许乃祖贯。鄞乃寄居。实则仪真人也。滑寿卒于明洪武中。故明史列之方技传。然戴良九灵山房集。有怀书撄宁
诗曰。海日苍凉两鬓丝。异乡飘泊已多时。欲为散木留官道。故托长桑说上池。蜀客着书人岂识。韩公卖药世遍
知。道涂同是伤心者。只合相从赋黍离。则寿亦抱节之遗老。托于医以自晦者也。是书首有张翥序。称寿家去东
垣近。早传李杲之学。撄宁生传。则称学医于京口王居中。学针法于东平高洞阳，考李杲足迹未至江南。与寿时
代亦不相及。翥所云。殆因许近东垣。附会其说欤。难经八十一篇。历代医家。多有注释。寿所采摭。凡十一家。
今惟寿书传于世。其书首列汇考一篇。论书之名义源流。次列阙疑总类一篇。记脱文误字。又次图说一篇。皆不
入卷数。其注。则融会诸家之说。而以己意折衷之。辨论精确。考证亦极详审。寿本儒者。能通解古书文义。故
其所注。视他家所得为多云。”
〔吕氏（复）难经附说〕佚
吕复曰。难经余尝辑诸注家之长。先训诂而后辞意。窃附鄙说其间。以便后学。未敢以为是也。亡名氏难经
辨释 文渊阁书目一部一册阙（ 竹堂书目。作二卷。）未见
〔熊氏（宗立）勿听子俗解八十一难经〕六卷 存
徐春甫曰。正统间。熊宗立难经俗解。相传愈失其义。如五十九难云。颠狂之脉。阴阳俱盛。俗解分阴分阳。
与本文畔。诸如此类甚多。寝使后学晦旨。是故国朝医政。坏于难经脉诀二书之伪也。
〔张氏（世贤）图注八十一难经〕明志八卷 存
四库全书提要曰。张世贤字天成。宁波人。正德中名医也。难经旧有吴吕广唐杨玄操诸家注。宋嘉 中。
丁德用始于文义隐奥者。各为之图。元滑寿作本义亦有数图。然皆不备。世贤是编。于八十一篇。篇篇有图。凡
注所累言不尽者。可披图而解。惟其中文义显然。不必待图始解者。亦强足其数。稍为冗赘。其注亦循文敷衍。
未造深微。（存目）
按是书。吴门沈氏碧梧堂梓刊。凡八卷。为世贤原本。又有图注八十一难经辨真四卷。题曰四明张世贤注。
盖系坊刻之妄改焉。
〔马氏（莳）难经正义〕医藏目录九卷 未见
〔姚氏（浚）难经考误〕未见
江南通志曰。姚浚字哲人。和州人。前太医院九鼎字新阳之子。业儒。能以医学世其家。所着有脉法正宗。
难经考误。风发必读。及药品征要等书。行世。
〔徐氏（述）难经补注〕未见
按上见于武进县志。
〔王氏（文洁）图注八十一难经评林快捷方式统宗〕六卷 存
〔张氏（景皋）难经直解〕未见
朔方志曰。张景皋精太素脉。可生则药。不可生。断以日时。百无一失。穷通寿夭。以脉推之。亦无不验。
所着有难经直解。
〔黄氏（渊）难素笺释〕未见
按上见于浙江通志。
〔徐氏（大椿）难经经释〕二卷 存
自序曰。难经非经也。以灵素之微言奥旨。引端未发者。设为问答之语。俾畅厥义也。古人书篇名义。非可
苟称。难者辨论之谓。天下岂有以难名为经者。故知难经非经也。自古言医者。皆祖内经。而内经之学。至汉而
分。仓公氏以诊胜。仲景氏以方胜。华佗氏以针灸杂法胜。虽皆不离乎内经。而师承各别。逮晋唐以后。则支流
愈分。徒讲乎医之术。而不讲乎医之道。则去圣远矣。惟难经则悉本内经之语。而敷畅其义。圣学之传。惟此为
其宗。然窃有疑焉。其说有即以经文为释者。有悖经文而为释者。有颠倒经文以为释者。夫苟如他书之别有师承。
则人自立说。源流莫考。即使与古圣之说大悖。亦无从而证其是非。若即本内经之文以释内经。则内经具在也。
以经证经。而是非显然矣。然此书之垂。已二千余年。注者不下数十家。皆不敢有异议。其间有大可疑者。且多
曲为解释。并他书之是者反疑之。则岂前人皆无识乎。殆非也。盖经学之不讲久矣。惟知溯流以寻源。考不得则
中道而止。未尝从源以及流也。故以难经视难经。则难经自无可议。以内经之义疏视难经。则难经正多疵也。余
始也盖尝崇信而佩习之。习之久而渐疑其或非。更习之久而信己之必是。非信己也。信夫难经之必不可违乎内经
也。于是本其发难之情。先为申述内经本意。索其条理。随文诠释。既乃别其异同。辨其是否。其间有殊法异义。
其说不本于内经。而与内经相发明者。此则别有师承。又不得执内经而议其可否。惟夫遵内经之训。而诠解未洽
者。则摘而
证之于经。非以难经为可 也。正所以彰难经于天下后世。使知难经之为内经羽翼。其渊源如此也。因名之为经
释。难经所以释经。今复以经释难。以难释经而经明。以经释难而难明。此则所谓医之道也。而非术也。其曰秦
越人着者。始见新唐书艺文志。盖不可定然。实两汉以前书云。雍正五年三月既望。
凡例曰。是书。总以经文为证。故不旁引他书。如经文无可证。则间引仲景伤寒。及金匮要略两书。此犹汉
人遗法。去古未远。若甲乙经脉经。则偶一及之。然亦不过互相参考。并不据此以为驳辨。盖后人之书。不可反
以证前人也。一难经注释。其着者不下十余家。今散亡已多。所见仅四五种。语多支离浅晦。惟滑氏本义。最有
条理。然余亦不敢袭一语。盖难经本文。理解已极明晓。其深文奥义。则俱本内经。今既以内经为诠释。则诸家
臆说。总属可去。故训诂诠释。则根据本文。辨论考证。则本内经。其间有章节句语错误处。前人已是正者。则亦
注明某人之说。余则无前人一字。即有偶合。非故袭也。一辨驳处。固以崇信内经。违众独异。皆前人之所未及。
即本文下诠解处。不无与前人合者。然此原属文理一定。无可异同。并非剿说。要亦必深思体认。通贯全经。而
后出之。此处颇多苦心。故条理比前人稍密。则同中仍不无小异也。
四库全书提要曰。徐大椿是书。以秦越人八十一难经。有不合内经之旨者。援引经文。以驳正之。考难经。
汉艺文志不载。随志始着于录。虽未必越人之书。然三国已有吕博望注本。而张机伤寒论平脉篇中。所称经说。
今在第五难中。则亦后汉良医之所为。历代以来。与灵枢素问并尊。绝
无异论。大椿虽研究内经。未必学出古人上。遽相排斥。未见其然。况大椿所据者内经。而素问全元起本。已佚
其第七篇。唐王冰始称得旧本补之。宋林亿等校正。已称其天元纪大论以下。与素问余篇。绝不相通。疑冰取阴
阳大论。以补所亡。至刺法本病二论。则冰本亦阙。其间字句异同。亿等又复有校改。注中题曰新校正。皆是。
则素问已为后人所乱。而难经反为古本。又滑寿难经本义。列是书所引内经。而今本无之者。不止一条。则当时
所见之本。与今亦不甚同。即有舛互。亦宜两存。遽执以驳难经之误。是何异谈六经者。执开元改隶之本。以驳
汉博士耶。（存目）
自序略曰。康熙三十二年五月十五日。余生于下塘毓瑞堂。年二十从学于周意庭先生。是岁县庠入泮。始先
祖名余曰大椿字灵胎。至是更名大业。后以钦召称字。遂以字名。余之习医也。因第三弟患痞。先君为遍请名医。
余因日与讲论。又药皆亲制。医理稍通。既而四五两弟又连病卒。先君以悲悼得疾。医药之事无虚岁。家藏有医
书数十种。朝夕披览。久而通其大义。质之时医。茫如也。乃更穷源及流。自内经以至元明诸书。广求博采。几
万余卷。而后胸有实获。不能已于言矣。谓学医必先明经脉脏腑也。故作难经经释。谓药性必当知其真也。故作
神农本草百种录。谓治病必有其所以然之理。而后世失其传也。故作医学源流论。谓伤寒论颠倒错乱。注家各私
其说。而无定论也。故作伤寒类方。谓时医不考病源。不辨病名。不知经方。不明法度也。故作兰台轨范。谓医
道之坏。坏于明之薛立斋。而吕氏刻赵氏医贯，专以六味八味两方。治天下之病。贻害无穷也。故作医贯砭。谓
医学绝传。邪说互出。杀人之祸烈也。故作慎疾刍
言。自此三十余年。难易生死。无不立辨。怪症痼疾。皆获效验。远近来治。刻无宁晷。制抚河盐。以及司道各
大宪。皆谬以谦辞礼聘。并知其为儒生。有以学问经济咨询者。由此而微名上达九阍矣。乾隆二十五年。上访名
医于诸大臣。秦大司寇文恭公以臣灵胎对。上颔之。九月大学士蒋文恪公病。上谕中堂。当招徐灵胎延医。公一
再遣人聘余。余适以病辞。二十六年正月。上乃下廷谕。命抚军陈公。即送来京。时余病亦痊。乃就道。至即命与
施孙两太医同拟方。蒋公病已不可为。余方欲奏明。适上命额驸福公。问徐灵胎。蒋某病几时得愈。因密奏曰。
过立夏七日则休矣。福公转奏。上亲临视。见蒋公病果剧。驾回谕秦大司寇曰。徐灵胎学问既优。人又诚实。不
知能在京效力否。秦公传旨。臣闻命之下。感激涕零。自揣年老多病。万难效力。即恳秦公转奏。是晚上命视大
司农李公疾。明日又命入圆明园。连奉特旨六次。乃于五月初四日。蒙圣恩放归田里。事详述恩纪略中。自此筑
室吴山之画眉泉。为静养之地。不复远行矣。辛卯夏日。洄溪老人书于耄学龛。时年七十有九。（兰台轨范。）
徐 曰。先府君既作自序。方期顶祝圣恩。闭户着书。以终余年、忽一日叹曰。吾自审脉象。恐不逾今岁矣。
惟觉心中有未了事。亦不自解其因。至十月二十五日。奉旨复召入都。恍然曰。向觉有未了者。此耶。时方卧 。
强起入都。大中丞暨诸大宪亲诣舟次。府君感沐圣恩。力疾登程。 随侍中途。疾亦渐已。精神转旺。餐饭有加。
腊月初一日抵都。精力复衰。越三日。府君从容议论阴阳生死出入之理。并自作墓前对联。有满山芳草仙人药。
一径清风处士坟之句。至夜谈笑而逝。额驸尚书福公入奏。是日上赏白金一百
两。赠儒林郎。并传旨谕 护丧以归。明春扶榇旋里。葬越来溪之牒字圩新阡。伏念府君以诸生达九重。两膺
征召。生前知遇。身后宠荣。遭逢盛世。千载一时。 虽自愧无文。谨就府君自序所未竟者。附缀数行。以志
不朽云。（同上）
袁枚曰。乾隆二十五年。文华殿大学士蒋文恪公患病。天子访海内名医。大司寇秦公首荐吴江徐灵胎。天子
召入都。命视蒋公疾。先生奏疾不可治。上嘉其朴诚。欲留在京师效力。先生乞归陶里。上许之。后二十年。上
以中贵人有疾。再召入都。先生已七十九岁。自知衰矣。未必生还。乃率其子 载 以行。果至都三日而卒。
天子惋惜之，赐帑金。命 扶榇以归。呜呼。先生以吴下一诸生。两蒙圣天子蒲轮之征。巡抚司道。到门通驾。
闻者皆惊且羡。以为希世之荣。余好。急思采其奇方异术。奋笔书之。以垂医鉴。而
活苍生。仓猝不可得。今秋访 于吴江。得其自述纪略。又访诸吴人之能道先生者。为之立传。传曰。先生名大
椿。字灵胎。晚自号洄溪老人。家本望族。祖 。康熙十八年鸿词科。翰林纂修明史。先生生有异禀。聪强过人。
凡星经地志。九宫音律。以至舞刀夺槊。勾卒嬴越之法。靡不宣究。而尤长于医。每视人疾。穿穴膏肓。能呼肺
腑。与之作语。其用药也。神施鬼设。斩关夺隘。如周亚夫之军。从天而下。诸岐黄家。目瞠心骇。帖帖慑服。
而卒莫测其所以然。先生长身广颡。音声如钟。白须伟然。一望而知为奇男子。少时留心经济之学。于东南水
利。尤所洞悉。先生隐于洄溪。矮屋百椽。有画眉泉。小桥流水。松竹铺纷。登楼则太湖奇峰。鳞罗布列。如儿
孙拱侍状。先生啸傲其间。人望之疑真人之在天际也。所着。有难
经经释。医学原流等书。凡六种。其中 HT 利弊。剖析经络。将古今医书。存其是指其非久行于世。子 字榆
村。傥 有父风。能活人济物。以世其家。（随园文集）
〔黄氏（元御）难经解〕二卷 未见
四库全书提要曰。难经之出。在素问之后。灵枢之前。故其中所引经文。有今本所不载者。然其文自三国以
来。不闻所窜乱，元御亦谓旧本有讹。复多所更定。均所谓我用我法也。（存目）
〔戴氏（震）注难经〕未见
李斗曰。戴震字东原。休宁人。为汉儒之学。精于音韵律算。乾隆壬午。举于乡。奉诏重辑永乐大典。与邵
晋涵周永年杨昌森余集同入馆。分纂四库全书。尝注难经伤寒论金匮诸书。亦未卒业。（扬州画舫录。）
〔唐氏（千顷）春秋本难经注疏〕未见
曹锡端江宁广文唐先生传曰。先生娶严氏吴氏陈氏子二。长方沂。次方淮。今名千顷。入太学。好经术。着
书二十种。更通岐黄。尝活人。孙秉钧幼博览群书。能标卓识。见者莫勿惊奇器重。
〔唐氏（秉钧）内难语要〕未见
按上二书见于文房肄考艺文志。
许乃祖，贯籍不详。鄞县是他寄居之地，实际上他是仪真人。滑寿卒于明朝洪武年间，因此《明史》将他列入方技传。然而，戴良在《九灵山房集》中有一首怀念滑寿、题为《撄宁》的诗写道：“海日苍凉两鬓丝，异乡飘泊已多时。欲为散木留官道，故托长桑说上池。蜀客着书人岂识，韩公卖药世遍知。道涂同是伤心者，只合相从赋黍离。”由此看来，滑寿也是一位坚守节操的遗老，借行医来隐藏自己的身份。这本书开头有张翥写的序言，称滑寿家离东垣（李杲）很近，早年就传承了李杲的医学学说。而《撄宁先生传》则称他向京口的王居中学习医术，向东平的高洞阳学习针法。考证发现，李杲的足迹从未到达江南，且与滑寿的时代也不相及。张翥所说的话，大概是因为许氏靠近东垣，便附会了这一说法罢了。
《难经》共八十一篇，历代医家多有注释。滑寿所采择引用的，共有十一家的学说。如今只有滑寿的书流传于世。该书首先列出一篇汇考，论述《难经》名称的含义和源流；其次列出一篇阙疑总类，记录脱文和错字；又次列出一篇图说，这些都不计入卷数。他的注解，融会了各家之说，并以自己的见解加以折衷评判，辨析论证精确，考证也极为详细审慎。滑寿本是儒者，能够通晓古书的文义，所以他的注解比其它医家所得出的结论要多得多。
〔吕复《难经附说》〕已佚
吕复说：“《难经》我曾辑录各位注家的长处，先解释字词训诂，再阐明辞意，私下将自己的浅见附在其中，以便后学。不敢自以为是。”
无名氏《难经辨释》，《文渊阁书目》著录一部一册，缺（《竹堂书目》作二卷）。未见此书。
〔熊宗立《勿听子俗解八十一难经》〕六卷，存世。
徐春甫说：“正统年间，熊宗立的《难经俗解》，相传越来越失去原义。例如第五十九难说：‘颠狂之脉，阴阳俱盛。’俗解将其分为阴分和阳分，这与原文背离。诸如此类的错误很多，逐渐使后学晦涩难懂宗旨。因此，本朝的医政败坏，是由于《难经》和《脉诀》这两本书被伪改造成的。”
〔张世贤《图注八十一难经》〕明志著录八卷，存世。
《四库全书提要》说：“张世贤，字天成，宁波人，正德年间的名医。《难经》旧有吴国吕广、唐代杨玄操等家的注释。宋代嘉祐年间，丁德用开始对文义隐晦深奥的地方，分别绘制图表。元代滑寿作《本义》也有几幅图，但都不完备。张世贤的这部书，对八十一篇，每篇都有图。凡是注释中连篇累牍说不清楚的，可以看图理解。只是其中文义明显、不必靠图就能理解的，也强行凑足其数，稍显冗赘。他的注释也是顺着文意敷衍发挥，未能达到深微的境界。（存目）”
按：这本书由苏州沈氏碧梧堂刊刻，共八卷，是张世贤的原版。另有《图注八十一难经辨真》四卷，题名为四明张世贤注，大概是书坊刻印时的妄加改动。
〔马莳《难经正义》〕《医藏目录》著录九卷，未见。
〔姚浚《难经考误》〕未见。
《江南通志》说：“姚浚，字哲人，和州人，前太医院九鼎字新阳之子。研习儒家经典，能以医学继承家业。所著有《脉法正宗》、《难经考误》、《风发必读》及《药品征要》等书，流行于世。”
〔徐述《难经补注》〕未见。
按：上述见于《武进县志》。
〔王文洁《图注八十一难经评林快捷方式统宗》〕六卷，存世。
〔张景皋《难经直解》〕未见。
《朔方志》说：“张景皋精通太素脉，能判断生死可治与否，不可治的，以时日断定，百无一失。穷通寿夭，通过脉象推断，也没有不灵验的。所著有《难经直解》。”
〔黄渊《难素笺释》〕未见。
按：上述见于《浙江通志》。
〔徐大椿《难经经释》〕二卷，存世。
自序说：“《难经》并非‘经’。它是借用《黄帝内经》中精微深奥的宗旨，引出未曾阐发的道理，设立问答的形式，以使意义畅达。古人著作篇章的名称含义，不能随便称呼。‘难’的意思是辨论。天下哪有以‘难’命名作为‘经’的呢？所以知道《难经》不是‘经’。自古以来谈论医学的人，都尊崇《内经》，而《内经》的学问，到了汉代就分化了。仓公以诊脉著称，张仲景以方剂著称，华佗以针灸杂法著称。虽然都不脱离《内经》，但师承各不相同。等到晋唐以后，支流更加分化，只讲医学的技术，而不讲医学的大道，这就远离圣人之道了。只有《难经》完全依据《内经》的话语，并敷陈阐述其意义，圣人学术的传承，以此为宗。但我私下有所怀疑，它的解说有的直接引用经文作为解释，有的违背经文进行解释，有的颠倒经文进行解释。如果像其他书籍那样另有师承，那么每个人自立学说，源头流派无法考证，即使与古代圣人的学说大相径庭，也无法从中证明是非。如果就是依据《内经》的经文来解释《内经》，那么《内经》就在眼前，以经证经，是非显然了。然而这本书流传至今，已有两千多年，注释者不下几十家，都不敢有异议。其中有很多大可怀疑的地方，而且大多曲意解释，甚至对其他书籍中正确的反而产生怀疑，这难道是先辈都没有见识吗？恐怕不是。大概是经学不讲求已经很久了，只知道追溯支流来寻找源头，考证不到就中途停止，不曾从源头流向支流。所以把《难经》看作《难经》，《难经》自然无可非议；以内经的义疏来看待《难经》，《难经》确实有很多瑕疵。我起初也曾崇信并熟习它，熟习久了渐渐怀疑它可能不对，再次熟习久了确信自己一定是对的。这不是自信，而是确信《难经》绝不能违背《内经》。于是根据它提出疑难的情理，先申述《内经》的本意，寻求条理，随文诠释，然后辨别异同，判断是否。其中有特殊方法和不同义理的，其学说不基于《内经》，但与《内经》相互阐明的，这是另有师承，又不能执着于《内经》来议论其可否。只有那些遵循《内经》训诫，而诠解不够贴切的，就摘出来用经文证明它，并不是认为《难经》可以废除。正是为了彰显《难经》于天下后世，使其知道《难经》是《内经》的羽翼，渊源如此。因此命名为《经释》。《难经》用来解释《内经》，现在又以《内经》解释《难经》，以难解释经而经明，以经解释难而难明，这就是所谓的医学大道，而不是技术。说是秦越人所著，始见于《新唐书·艺文志》，大概不能确定，实际上是两汉以前的书。雍正五年三月十六日。”
凡例说：“这本书总以经文为证据，所以不旁引其他书籍。如果经文无可佐证，则偶尔引用张仲景的《伤寒论》及《金匮要略》两书。这还保留着汉代人的遗法，距离古代不远。至于《甲乙经》、《经脉经》等，只是偶尔提及，也不过是互相参考，并不据此来进行驳斥辩难。因为后人的书，不能反过来证明前人。一、《难经》的注释，作者不下十余家，如今散失已多，见到的仅四五种，言语多支离浅显晦涩，只有滑氏的《本义》最有条理。但我也不敢袭用一句话。盖《难经》本文，理解已经很明白晓畅，其深奥的意义，都基于《内经》。既然已经用《内经》来诠释，那么各家的臆测之说，总归可以去掉。所以训诂诠释，依据本文；辩论考证，基于《内经》。其中有章节句语错误的地方，前人已经校正的，也注明某人的说法。其余没有前人的一个字，即使偶然吻合，也不是故意袭用。一、辨驳之处，固然以崇信《内经》为主，违逆众人独持异议，都是前人所未涉及的。即使在本文下的诠解处，不无与前人相同的地方，但这原本属于文理一定，无可异同，并非抄袭。也要深思体认，贯通全经，然后才发表。此处颇费苦心，所以条理比前人稍密，则在相同中仍不无小异。
《四库全书提要》说：“徐大椿的这本书，认为秦越人的《八十一难经》有不合《内经》旨意的地方，援引经文来驳正它。考证《难经》，《汉书·艺文志》未记载，《隋书·经籍志》才开始著录。虽然未必是越人之书，但三国时期已有吕博望的注本，而张机《伤寒论·平脉篇》中所称的‘经说’，现在在第五难中，那么也是东汉良医所作。历代以来，与《灵枢》、《素问》并尊，绝无不同意见。徐大椿虽然研究《内经》，未必学问高出古人之上，就急于排斥，不见得合理。况且徐大椿所依据的是《内经》，而《素问》的全元起本，已经遗失了第七篇，唐代王冰才开始声称得到旧本补入。宋代林亿等人校正，已经称其《天元纪大论》以下，与《素问》余篇绝不相通，怀疑王冰取《阴阳大论》来补亡佚的部分。至于《刺法》、《本病》二论，王冰的本子也缺失，其中的字句异同，林亿等人又有校改，注中标题曰‘新校正’，都是正确的。那么《素问》已经被后人扰乱，而《难经》反而是古本。另外滑寿《难经本义》中，列出这本书所引用的《内经》内容，而今本中没有的，不止一条，那么当时所见的版本，与现在也不甚相同。即使有舛错互异，也应该两者并存，就执着地用来驳难《难经》的错误，这何尝不是谈论六经的人，拿着开元改隶的版本，去驳斥汉代博士呢？（存目）”
自序略说：“康熙三十二年五月十五日，我出生于下塘毓瑞堂。二十岁时跟随周意庭先生学习。这一年进入县学成为生员，先祖给我取名大椿，字灵胎。到这时改名为大业，后来因皇帝征召被称为字，于是以字为名。我学习医学，是因为第三个弟弟患痞疾，父亲到处请名医。我因此每天与他讨论，又亲自制药，医理稍微通晓。接着第四五个弟弟又接连生病去世，父亲因悲痛哀悼而患病，医药之事没有一年空闲。家中藏书有医书几十种，早晚翻阅，久了通晓大义，向当时的医生请教，却茫然无知。于是更穷究源头和支流，从《内经》直到元明诸书，广泛寻求博采，几乎上万卷，然后胸中有真正的收获，不能不说出来了。认为学医必须先明经脉脏腑，所以作《难经经释》；认为药性必须知道其真貌，所以作《神农本草百种录》；认为治病必有其所以然的道理，而后世失传了，所以作《医学源流论》；认为《伤寒论》颠倒错乱，注家各自私心其说，而没有定论，所以作《伤寒类方》；认为时医不考察病源，不辨别病名，不知道经方，不明白法度，所以作《兰台轨范》；认为医道的败坏，败坏于明代的薛立斋，而吕氏刻印赵献可的《医贯》，专以六味丸、八味丸两个方子治疗天下的病，贻害无穷，所以作《医贯砭》；认为医学断绝传承，邪说互出，杀人的祸害猛烈，所以作《慎疾刍言》。从此三十多年，难易生死，无不立即分辨，怪症痼疾，都获得疗效，远近来求治的人，时刻没有停歇。巡抚、司道等大官，都以谦辞礼聘。并且知道我是儒生，有以学问经济咨询的人，由此我的微名上达九重天。乾隆二十五年，皇上向各位大臣访求名医，秦大司寇文恭公推荐我为臣灵胎，皇上点头同意。九月，大学士蒋文恪公患病，皇上谕示中堂，应当招徐灵胎延请医治。蒋公一再派人聘请我，我恰好因病推辞。二十六年正月，皇上才下达廷谕，命令抚军陈公，即刻送来京城。当时我的病也痊愈了，于是上路。到了京城，皇上就命令我与施、孙两位太医共同拟方。蒋公的病已经不可救治，我正想奏明皇上，恰逢皇上命令额驸福公，询问徐灵胎，蒋某的病什么时候能好。我秘密奏报说：“过了立夏七日就会去世了。”福公转奏，皇上亲临探视，见蒋公的病果然加重，驾回后谕示秦大司寇说：“徐灵胎学问既优秀，为人又诚实，不知能在京城效力否？”秦公传达旨意，我闻命之下，感激涕零，自揣年老多病，万难效力，即恳求秦公转奏。这天晚上皇上命令诊治大司农李公的疾病。第二天又命令进入圆明园，连续奉特旨六次，于是在五月初四日，蒙受圣恩放归田里。事情详见《恩纪略》中。从此在吴山的画眉泉筑室，作为静养之地，不再远行了。辛卯年夏天，洄溪老人写于耄学龛，时年七十九岁。（《兰台轨范》。）
徐大椿的儿子徐彬说：“先父既作了自序，正期望顶祝圣恩，闭门著书，度过余生。忽然有一天叹息说：‘我自己审察脉象，恐怕活不过今年了。’只觉得心中有未了之事，也不明白原因。到了十月二十五日，奉旨再次召入京城。恍然醒悟说：‘先前觉得有未了的，就是这个吧。’当时正卧病在床，勉强起身入京。大中丞以及各位大宪亲自到船边拜访。先父感沐圣恩，带病登程。我随侍中途，疾病也逐渐好转，精神转旺，饮食增加。腊月初一日抵达京城，精力又衰退。过了三天，先父从容议论阴阳生死出入的道理，并自作墓前对联，有‘满山芳草仙人药，一径清风处士坟’的诗句。到了夜晚谈笑而逝。额驸尚书福公入奏，当天皇上赏赐白金一百两，赠儒林郎，并传旨谕令护送灵柩回家。明年春天扶棺回乡，葬在越来溪的牒字圩新阡。伏念先父以诸生身份通达九重天，两次受到征召，生前知遇，身后宠荣，遭遇盛世，千载一时。我虽自愧无文，谨就先父自序中未尽之处，附缀数行，以志不朽云。（同上）”
袁枚说：“乾隆二十五年，文华殿大学士蒋文恪公患病，天子访求海内名医。大司寇秦公首先推荐吴江徐灵胎。天子召入京城，命令诊治蒋公的病。先生奏报病不可治，皇上赞赏他的朴诚，想留在京师效力。先生乞求归隐陶里，皇上允许了他。后来二十年，皇上因为宫中贵人患病，再次召入京城。先生已经七十九岁，自知衰老，未必能活着回来，于是率领儿子徐载同行。果然到京城三天后就去世了。天子惋惜他，赐给国库金钱，命令扶棺回归。呜呼！先生以吴下一位诸生的身份，两次蒙受圣天子蒲轮之征（指朝廷以优厚礼节征聘贤士），巡抚司道，到门通驾，听到的人都惊讶且羡慕，认为是稀世的荣耀。我喜欢医学，急切想采集他的奇方异术，奋笔写下来，以垂鉴医学，拯救苍生。仓促间来不及做。今年秋天我在吴江探访徐载，得到先生的自述纪略，又探访吴人中能讲述先生事迹的人，为他立传。传曰：先生名大椿，字灵胎，晚年自号洄溪老人。家本望族，祖父徐树本，康熙十八年鸿词科，翰林纂修明史。先生生有异禀，聪强过人。凡是星经地志、九宫音律，以至舞刀夺槊、勾卒嬴越之法，无不深入研究，尤其擅长医学。每次诊治人的疾病，深入膏肓，能呼唤肺腑，与之说话。他用药神妙莫测，斩关夺隘，如同周亚夫的军队，从天而降。各位岐黄医家，瞪眼心惊，帖帖慑服，却始终猜不透他所以然的原因。先生身材高大，额头宽广，声音如钟，白须伟岸，一望而知是奇男子。少年时留心经世济民之学，对于东南水利，尤其洞察透彻。先生隐居在洄溪，矮屋百椽，有画眉泉，小桥流水，松竹铺纷。登楼则太湖奇峰，鳞罗布列，如同儿孙拱侍的样子。先生啸傲其间，人们望之怀疑是真人就在天际。所著的，有《难经经释》、《医学源流论》等书，共六种。其中剖析经络利弊，将古今医书，存其是指出其非，长久流行于世。儿子徐载，字榆村，倜傥有父亲的风范，能活人济物，以继承家业。（《随园文集》）”
〔黄元御《难经解》〕二卷，未见。
《四库全书提要》说：“《难经》的出现，在《素问》之后，《灵枢》之前，所以其中所引用的经文，有今本所不载的。然而其文章自三国以来，没听说被窜乱，黄元御也说旧本有讹误，又做了很多更改定正，都算是‘我用我法’。（存目）”
〔戴震《注难经》〕未见。
李斗说：“戴震，字东原，休宁人，从事汉儒之学，精通音韵律算。乾隆壬午年，举于乡。奉诏重辑《永乐大典》，与邵晋涵、周永年、杨昌森、余集一同入馆，分纂《四库全书》。曾经注释《难经》、《伤寒论》、《金匮》等书，也未完成学业。（《扬州画舫录》。）”
〔唐千顷《春秋本难经注疏》〕未见。
曹锡端《江宁广文唐先生传》说：“先生娶严氏、吴氏、陈氏，有二子。长子长方沂，次子方淮，今名千顷。进入太学，喜好经术，著书二十种，又通晓岐黄之术，曾经救活过人。孙子秉钧幼年博览群书，能标卓识，见到的人没有不惊奇器重的。”
〔唐秉钧《内难语要》〕未见。
按：以上两书见于《文房肄考艺文志》。
Xu Naizu, his ancestral home is unknown. Yinxian was a place where he resided, but in reality, he was from Yizheng. Hua Shou died during the Hongwu reign of the Ming Dynasty, and thus the *History of Ming* included him in the Biography of Medical Practitioners (Fangji Zhuan). However, Dai Liang, in his *Jiuling Mountain House Collection*, wrote a poem titled "Thinking of Yingning" to commemorate Hua Shou: "The sea sun is desolate, temples are gray; drifting in a foreign land for many years. Wishing to remain as useless wood on the official path, I therefore entrust myself to Changsang's talk of Shangchi. The scholar from Shu writes books, who knows them? Han Gong sells medicine, known throughout the world. Both travelers on the road are sorrowful souls; we should only follow each other in composing 'Shuli'. From this, it can be seen that Hua Shou was also a loyalist who maintained his integrity, using medicine to conceal his identity. This book begins with a preface by Zhang Zhu, which states that Hua Shou's family lived near Dongyuan (Li Gao) and had early inherited Li Gao's medical learning. However, the *Biography of Yingning Master* states that he learned medicine from Wang Juzhong in Jingkou and acupuncture techniques from Gao Dongyang in Dongping. Research shows that Li Gao never traveled to Jiangnan, and their eras did not overlap. Zhang Zhu's statement was likely an embellishment based on the proximity of the Xu clan to Dongyuan.
The *Nan Jing* (Classic of Difficult Issues), consisting of eighty-one chapters, has been annotated by medical scholars through the ages. Hua Shou collected and cited eleven schools of thought. Today, only Hua Shou's commentary survives. The book first presents a "General Examination" (Huikao), discussing the meaning and origin of the title *Nan Jing*. Next is a "Category of Doubts" (Queyi Zonglei), recording missing texts and erroneous characters. Then follows a section on diagrams and explanations (Tushuo), none of which are counted in the volume numbers. His annotations integrate the views of various schools and offer his own balanced judgments. His debates are precise, and his textual research is extremely detailed. Hua Shou was originally a Confucian scholar capable of understanding ancient texts, so his annotations contain more insights than those of others.
[Lü Fu's *Supplementary Remarks on Nan Jing*] Lost.
Lü Fu stated: "I have compiled the strengths of various annotators of the *Nan Jing*, explaining philology first and then the meaning of the text, privately attaching my humble opinions to aid future learners. I dare not claim this is correct."
Anonymous *Nan Jing Bian Shi*, recorded in the *Wenyuan Ge Catalogue* as one volume, one booklet (missing; *Zhutang Catalogue* lists two volumes). Not seen.
[Xiong Zongli's *Wutingzi Vulgar Explanation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing*] Six volumes. Extant.
Xu Chunfu said: "During the Zhengtong era, Xiong Zongli's *Vulgar Explanation of Nan Jing* was passed down, increasingly losing its original meaning. For example, Chapter 59 states: 'The pulse of mania and delirium is characterized by both Yin and Yang being excessive.' The vulgar explanation divides this into Yin and Yang parts, deviating from the original text. There are many such errors, gradually obscuring the core principles for learners. Thus, the deterioration of medical administration in our dynasty is due to the falsification of the *Nan Jing* and the *Mai Jue* (Pulse Classic)."
[Zhang Shixian's *Illustrated Annotation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing*] Listed in *Ming Zhi* as eight volumes. Extant.
The *Siku Quanshu* (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) Abstract states: "Zhang Shixian, courtesy name Tiancheng, was from Ningbo and a famous physician during the Zhengde era. Previous annotations of the *Nan Jing* included those by Lü Guang of Wu and Yang Xuancan of Tang. During the Jiayou era of Song, Ding Deyong began creating diagrams for obscure passages. Yuan dynasty's Hua Shou also created several diagrams in his *Benyi*, but they were incomplete. Zhang Shixian's work includes diagrams for every chapter of the eighty-one sections. Wherever verbose notes fail to clarify, one can understand by looking at the diagram. However, for passages where the meaning is obvious and does not require diagrams, he forced them to fit, making the content somewhat redundant. His annotations merely elaborate on the text without reaching profound depths. (Catalogued)"
Note: This book was printed by the Biwutang Press in Suzhou (Wumen), comprising eight volumes, which is Zhang Shixian's original edition. There is also a four-volume *Illustrated Annotation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing: Verification of Truth*, attributed to Zhang Shixian of Siming, which is likely a tampered version by commercial printers.
[Ma Shi's *Nan Jing Zhengyi*] Listed in *Yicang Mulu* as nine volumes. Not seen.
[Yao Jun's *Nan Jing Kaowu*] Not seen.
*Jiangsu Tongzhi* states: "Yao Jun, courtesy name Zheren, was from Hezhou, son of Yao Xinyang (formerly of the Imperial Medical Academy). He studied Confucianism and continued his family's medical tradition. His works include *Maifa Zhengzong*, *Nan Jing Kaowu*, *Fengfa Bidu*, and *Yaopin Zhengyao*, which are circulating."
[Xu Shu's *Nan Jing Buzhu*] Not seen.
Note: Recorded in *Wujin County Gazetteer*.
[Wen Wenjie's *Illustrated Annotation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing: Pinglin Kuaijieshi Tongzong*] Six volumes. Extant.
[Zhang Jinggao's *Nan Jing Zhijie*] Not seen.
*Shuofang Zhi* states: "Zhang Jinggao specialized in Taisu Pulse Diagnosis, determining life and death possibilities. If curable, he prescribed medicine; if not, he predicted the time of death with high accuracy. He deduced fortune, misfortune, longevity, and shortness of life through pulse diagnosis, never failing. His work includes *Nan Jing Zhijie*."
[Huang Yuan's *Nansu Jian Shi*] Not seen.
Note: Recorded in *Zhejiang Tongzhi*.
[Xu Dachun's *Nan Jing Jingshi*] Two volumes. Extant.
Preface: "The *Nan Jing* is not a 'Jing' (Classic). It uses the subtle and profound principles of the *Huangdi Neijing* (Yellow Emperor's Inner Canon) to introduce undeveloped ideas, setting up Q&A formats to elucidate meanings. The naming conventions of ancient texts cannot be taken lightly. 'Nan' means debate or discussion. How could there be a 'Jing' named 'Nan'? Thus, the *Nan Jing* is not a 'Jing'. Since antiquity, medical practitioners have revered the *Neijing*. However, after the Han Dynasty, the study of the *Neijing* diverged. Cang Gong excelled in pulse diagnosis, Zhang Zhongjing in prescriptions, and Hua Tuo in acupuncture and miscellaneous methods. Although all derived from the *Neijing*, their lineages differed. After Jin and Tang, branches multiplied, focusing only on medical techniques rather than the Way of Medicine, moving far from the Sages. Only the *Nan Jing* fully bases itself on the words of the *Neijing* and elaborates on its meaning, serving as the ancestor of Sage learning transmission. Yet, I harbor doubts. Its interpretations sometimes quote scriptures directly, sometimes contradict them, and sometimes invert them. If it had a separate lineage like other books, individual theories would be untraceable, and even if contrary to ancient sages, their validity could not be proven. But since it explains the *Neijing* using the *Neijing*'s own text, the truth is clear. However, this book has existed for over two thousand years, with dozens of annotators who dared not dissent. Many points are highly suspicious, yet most interpret them creatively, even doubting correct statements in other books. Did predecessors lack insight? Unlikely. It is because the study of Classics has long been neglected. People only trace back to sources but stop when verification fails, never flowing from source to branch. Viewing the *Nan Jing* as itself, it seems flawless; viewing it through the lens of *Neijing* exegesis, it has many flaws. I once revered and practiced it. With prolonged study, I began to doubt. Further study confirmed my correctness—not out of ego, but because the *Nan Jing* must not violate the *Neijing*. Thus, based on its intent to raise difficulties, I first expounded the original meaning of the *Neijing*, sought its logic, and interpreted it contextually. Then I distinguished differences and judged correctness. Where special methods and meanings do not stem from the *Neijing* but illuminate it, these represent separate lineages and cannot be judged solely by the *Neijing*. For interpretations following *Neijing* teachings but lacking clarity, I extracted them and proved them against the Scriptures, not to discard the *Nan Jing*, but to highlight its role as a wing of the *Neijing* and reveal its origins. Hence, I named it *Jingshi* (Explanation by Scripture). The *Nan Jing* explains the *Jing*; now I use the *Jing* to explain the *Nan*. Explaining the Jing via Nan makes the Jing clear; explaining the Nan via Jing makes the Nan clear. This is the Way of Medicine, not mere technique. The attribution to Qin Yueren appears first in the *New Book of Tang Bibliography* and is uncertain; it is likely a pre-Han or Han text. Written on the sixteenth day of the third month, fifth year of Yongzheng."
Examples state: "This book relies entirely on scriptural evidence, avoiding citations from other works. If scripture offers no proof, I occasionally cite Zhang Zhongjing's *Shanghan Lun* and *Jingui Yaolue*, preserving Han methods close to antiquity. References to *Jia Yi Jing* and *Jingmai Jing* are occasional and for reference only, not for refutation, as later works cannot prove earlier ones. Regarding *Nan Jing* annotations, authors number over ten, most lost; I saw only four or five, often fragmented and shallow. Only Hua Shi's *Benyi* is well-organized. Yet I dare not copy a single phrase. The *Nan Jing* text is clear; its deep meanings rely on the *Neijing*. Since I use the *Neijing* for interpretation, speculative views of others are dispensable. Philological explanations follow the text; debates and research follow the *Neijing*. Where previous scholars corrected errors, I note their names. Otherwise, I add nothing new, even if coincidentally similar, it is not plagiarism. Debating points emphasizes reverence for the *Neijing*, differing from the crowd, covering ground untouched by predecessors. Even where my explanations match predecessors, it is due to logical necessity, not copying. Deep reflection and comprehensive understanding are required, resulting in slightly denser logic than predecessors, showing minor differences within similarities.
*Siku Quanshu* Abstract: "Xu Dachun's book argues that Qin Yueren's *Eighty-One Nan Jing* contradicts the *Neijing*, citing scriptures to refute it. The *Nan Jing* is not listed in the *Han Shu Yiwenzhi* but appears in *Sui Shu Jingjizhi*. Though未必 by Yueren, Lü Boyang's annotation existed in the Three Kingdoms period, and Zhang Ji's *Shanghan Lun Pingmai Pian* cites 'Scripture Sayings' found in Chapter 5, indicating it was written by a skilled Han physician. It has been revered alongside *Lingshu* and *Suwen* without dissent. Xu Dachun, despite studying the *Neijing*, may not surpass ancients in scholarship to reject it so hastily. Moreover, Xu relies on the *Neijing*, but the Quan Qiress edition of *Suwen* already lost its seventh chapter. Wang Bing of Tang claimed to find an old copy to supplement it. Lin Yi et al. of Song noted that *Tianyuanji Dalun* and subsequent chapters differ significantly from other *Suwen* chapters, suspecting Wang Bing used *Yinyang Dalun* to fill gaps. The *Cifa* and *Bingben* treatises were also missing in Wang Bing's version. Lin Yi made corrections, labeled 'New Corrections,' implying the *Suwen* was altered by later hands, while the *Nan Jing* might be older. Furthermore, Hua Shou's *Benyi* lists *Neijing* quotes absent in current editions, indicating versions differed then. Even if discrepancies exist, both should be preserved. Hasty rejection of *Nan Jing* errors based on corrupted *Suwen* is akin to using Kaiyuan-era revised texts to refute Han scholars. (Catalogued)"
Brief Preface: "Born May 15, Kangxi 32, at Yurui Hall, Xiatang. At twenty, studied under Mr. Zhou Yiting. Entered county school that year. My grandfather named me Dachun, courtesy name Lingtai. Later renamed Daye. Due to imperial summons, I am known by my courtesy name. I learned medicine because my third brother suffered from Pi syndrome. My father invited many doctors. I discussed daily and prepared medicines, gaining basic knowledge. Later, my fourth and fifth brothers died of illness. My father fell ill from grief. Medical matters occupied every year. I read dozens of medical books morning and night, grasping general principles. Consulting contemporary doctors yielded confusion. Thus, I traced sources and streams, from *Neijing* to Yuan and Ming texts, collecting nearly ten thousand volumes, achieving true understanding, unable to remain silent. Believing one must understand meridians and zang-fu to learn medicine, I wrote *Nan Jing Jingshi*. Believing drug properties must be known truly, I wrote *Shennong Bencao Baizhong Lu*. Believing treatment requires understanding underlying principles lost in later generations, I wrote *Yixue Yuanliu Lun*. Believing *Shanghan Lun* is disordered and annotations biased, I wrote *Shanghan Leifang*. Believing contemporary doctors ignore disease origins, names, classic formulas, and rules, I wrote *Lantai Guifan*. Believing medical decline started with Xue Lizhai of Ming, and Lv Fu's printing of Zhao Xianke's *Yiguan*, which treats all diseases with Liuwei and Bawei pills causing endless harm, I wrote *Yiguan Bian*. Believing medical transmission is broken, heresies abound, and killing is severe, I wrote *Shenji Chuyan*. For thirty years, I distinguished difficult/easy and life/death instantly, treating strange and chronic diseases effectively. Patients came from afar, leaving no rest. Governors and officials invited me respectfully. Knowing I was a scholar, they consulted me on statecraft, raising my fame to the throne. In Qianlong 25, the Emperor asked ministers for famous doctors. Minister Qin Wengong recommended me, Lingtai. The Emperor agreed. In September, Grand Secretary Jiang Wenke fell ill. The Emperor ordered the Grand Secretary to invite Xu Lingtai. Jiang sent envoys repeatedly. I declined due to illness. In January 26, the Emperor issued an edict ordering Governor Chen to bring me to Beijing. My illness had healed, so I departed. Upon arrival, I was ordered to prescribe with Imperial Physicians Shi and Sun. Jiang's condition was hopeless. I intended to report this. The Emperor sent Fugong, Prince Consort, to ask about Jiang's recovery. I secretly reported: 'He will pass seven days after Lixia.' Fugong reported this. The Emperor visited personally, seeing Jiang's worsening condition. Returning, he told Minister Qin: 'Xu Lingtai is scholarly and honest. Can he serve in the capital?' Qin conveyed the order. Overwhelmed with gratitude, I felt too old and sick to serve, begging Qin to report this. That night, I treated Minister of Agriculture Li. The next day, I entered Yuanmingyuan. Received six special edicts. On May 4, granted leave by Imperial Grace. Details in *Enji Lue*. Built a house at Huimei Spring, Wushan, for rest, traveling no more. Summer of Xinmao, written by Huixi Old Man at Maoxue Kan, aged 79. (*Lantai Guifan*.)
My son Min says: "After Father wrote the preface, he hoped to repay Imperial Grace, write in seclusion, and spend his remaining years. Suddenly, he sighed: 'I feel my pulse suggests I won't survive this year. I sense unfinished business but don't know why.' On Oct 25, an edict summoned me to the capital again. He realized: 'Ah, this is the unfinished matter.' He was bedridden but rose to go. High officials visited his boat. Grateful for Imperial Grace, he traveled despite illness. Accompanying him, his illness improved, spirits rose, appetite increased. Arrived in capital on Dec 1. Energy declined. Three days later, he calmly discussed Yin/Yang, life/death, entering/exiting, and wrote his own tomb couplet: 'Mountains full of fragrant grass, immortal herbs; A path of clear wind, recluse's grave.' He passed away chatting at night. Fugong reported this. The Emperor awarded 100 taels of silver, conferred the title Rulin Lang, and ordered escort of the coffin home. In spring, the coffin returned to hometown, buried in Dieziwei, Yuilaixi. Remembering Father reached the Nine Heavens as a student, summoned twice, honored in life and death, meeting a prosperous age, a rare opportunity. Though unworthy of literary skill, I append these lines to his unfinished preface to ensure immortality. (Same source)"
Yuan Mei said: "In Qianlong 25, Grand Secretary Jiang Wenke fell ill. The Emperor sought famous doctors nationwide. Minister Qin first recommended Xu Lingtai of Wujiang. Summoned to the capital to treat Jiang. Xu reported the disease was incurable. The Emperor appreciated his honesty and wanted to keep him in the capital. Xu requested retirement to Tao Li, which was granted. Twenty years later, the Emperor summoned him again due to illness of a eunuch. Xu was 79, knowing he was frail and unlikely to return alive, he took his son Xu Zai. Indeed, he died three days after arriving in the capital. The Emperor lamented, granted treasury funds, and ordered the coffin returned. Alas! Xu, a simple student from Wujiang, was twice summoned by the Emperor with honor. Governors and inspectors visited his door. Listeners were amazed and envious, calling it a rare glory. I love medicine and urgently wanted to collect his unique prescriptions and skills, writing them down to guide medicine and save lives. Too hurried. This autumn, I visited Xu Zai in Wujiang, obtained Xu's autobiographical record, and interviewed locals who knew him, writing this biography. Biography: Xu's given name was Dachun, courtesy name Lingtai, late pseudonym Huixi Laoren. From a prominent family. Grandfather Xu Shuben, passed Hongci Ke in Kangxi 18, Hanlin Compiler of *Ming Shi*. Xu had exceptional talent, superior intelligence and strength. Studied astronomy, geography, Nine Palaces, music, sword dancing, military tactics, etc., thoroughly, especially excelling in medicine. Diagnosing patients, he penetrated deep into the body, speaking to lungs and heart. His prescriptions were divine and mysterious, breaking through defenses like General Zhou Yafu's army descending from heaven. Other physicians stared in awe and submission, never guessing his methods. Tall, broad forehead, bell-like voice, white beard, clearly a remarkable man. Youthfully interested in statecraft, especially knowledgeable about Southeast water conservancy. Xu隐居 at Huixi, hundred small houses, Huimei Spring, small bridge, flowing water, pines and bamboos. Climbing the tower, Taihu Lake peaks arranged like bowing descendants. Xu roamed freely there, appearing like an immortal. Works include *Nan Jing Jingshi*, *Yixue Yuanliu Lun*, etc., six volumes total. Analyzing meridian pros/cons, judging ancient and modern books, keeping the right and discarding the wrong, circulated for long. Son Xu Zai, courtesy name Yucun, elegant, inheriting father's style, saving people and benefiting objects, continuing the family trade. (*Suiyuan Wenji*)"
[Huang Yuanyu's *Nan Jing Jie*] Two volumes. Not seen.
*Siku Quanshu* Abstract: "The *Nan Jing* appeared after *Suwen* and before *Lingshu*, so it cites scriptures not found in current editions. However, its text hasn't been altered since the Three Kingdoms. Huang Yuanyu claimed old editions had errors and made many corrections, essentially 'using his own method.' (Catalogued)"
[Dai Zhen's *Annotation of Nan Jing*] Not seen.
Li Dou said: "Dai Zhen, courtesy name Dongyuan, from Xiuning, practiced Han Confucianism, expert in phonology, rhythm, and mathematics. Passed provincial exam in Qianlong Renwu year. Ordered to recompile *Yongle Dadian*. Entered academy with Shao Jinnan, Zhou Yongnian, Yang Changsen, and Yu Ji. Co-compiled *Siku Quanshu*. Annotated *Nan Jing*, *Shanghan Lun*, *Jingui*, etc., but did not complete them. (*Yangzhou Huafang Lu*.)"
[Tang Qianqing's *Chunqiu Ben Nan Jing Zhushu*] Not seen.
Cao Xiduan's *Biography of Mr. Tang, Official of Jiangning* states: "Mr. married Yan, Wu, and Chen, having two sons. Eldest Fangyi, second Fanghuai, now named Qianqing. Entered Imperial Academy, loved classics, wrote twenty books, also understood Yellow Emperor and Qibo arts, saved people. Grandson Bingjun博览群书 in childhood, showed outstanding insight, admired by all."
[Tang Bingjun's *Nei Nanyu Yao*] Not seen.
Note: These two books appear in *Wenfang Yikao Yiwenzhi*.