献赋召试特赐举人。授内阁中书。甫任事。即奏充方略馆纂修官。入军机处行走。擢内阁侍读。晚岁为庐江书院
院长。卒。年五十七。生平着述。有素灵发伏。凡二十余种。（潜研堂文集）
〔黄氏（元御）素灵微蕴〕四卷 存
〔黄帝八十一难经〕隋志二卷 佚
皇甫谧曰。黄帝命雷公岐伯。论经脉。旁通问难。八十一为难经。（太平御览。引帝王世纪。○按为字。当
移在八十一上。）
旧唐志曰。黄帝八十一难一卷。秦越人撰。
王勃序曰。黄帝八十一难经。是医经之秘录也。昔者岐伯以授黄帝。黄帝历九师以授伊芳尹。伊芳尹以授汤。汤
历六师以授太公。太公授文王。文王历九师以授医和。医和历六师以授秦越人。秦越人始定立章句。历九师以授
华佗。华佗历六师以授黄公。黄公以授曹夫子。夫子讳元字真道。自云京兆人也。盖授黄公之术。洞明医道。至
能遥望气色。彻视腑脏。浇肠刳胸之术。往往行焉。浮沉人间。莫有知者。（文苑英华）
杨玄操曰。黄帝八十一难者。斯乃勃海秦越人所作也。
又曰。黄帝内经二帙。帙各九卷。而其义幽赜。殆难穷览。越人乃采摘英华。抄撮精要。二部经内。凡八十
一章。勒成滚动条。伸演其首。探微索隐。传示后昆。名为八十一难。以其理趣深远。非卒易了故也。既弘畅圣言。
故首称黄帝。
又曰。难。音乃丹切。（释幻云史记附标）
丁德用曰。难经历代传之一人。至魏华佗。乃烬其文于
狱下。于晋宋之间。虽有仲景叔和之书。各示其文。而滥觞其说。及吴太医令吕广重编此经。而尚文义差迭。按
此则难经为烬余之文。其编次复重经吕广之手。固不能无缺失也。（难经汇考）
黎泰辰曰。世传黄帝八十一难经。谓之难者。得非以人之五脏六腑隐于内。为邪所干。不可测知。唯以脉理
究其仿佛邪。若脉有重十二菽者。又有如按车盖。而若循鸡羽者。复考内外之证参校之。不其难乎。（难经汇考
）
苏轼曰。医之有难经。句句皆理。字字皆法。后世达者。神而明之。如 走珠。如珠走 。无不可者。若出
新意。而弃旧学。以为无用。非愚无知则狂而已。譬如俚俗医师。不由经论。直授药方。以之疗病。非不或中。
至于遇病辄应。悬断死生。则与知经学古者。不可同日语矣。世人徒见其有一至之功。或捷古人。因谓难经不学
而可。岂不误哉。（楞伽经跋）
赵希弁曰。秦越人授桑君秘术。洞明医道。采黄帝内经精要之说。凡八十一章。编次为十三类。其理趣深远。
非易了。故名难经。
陈振孙曰。汉志但有扁鹊内外经而已。隋志始有难经。唐志遂题云秦越人。皆不可考。难。当作去声读。
李 曰。黄帝八十一难经。卢国秦越人所撰。史记列传曰。扁鹊者。姓秦氏。名越人。扬雄所谓扁鹊卢人是
也。假设问答。以释疑难之义。凡八十一篇。故谓之八十一难经。医经之兴。始于黄帝。故系之黄帝者。以明其
义。皆有所受之，而非私智曲说也。
纪天锡曰。秦越人将黄帝素问疑难之义。八十一篇。重
而明之。故曰八十一难经。
吴澄曰。昔之神医秦越人。撰八十一难。后人分其八十一为十三篇。予尝慊其分篇之未当。厘而正之。其篇
凡六。一至二十二论脉。二十三至二十九论经络。三十至四十七论脏腑。四十八至六十一论病。六十二至六十八
论穴道。六十九至八十一论针法。秦越人之书。与内经素灵相表里。而论脉论经络居初。岂非医之道所当先明此
者欤。（赠医士章伯明序）
欧阳玄曰。切脉于手之寸口。其法自秦越人始。盖为医者之祖也。难经先秦古文。汉以来答客难等作。皆出
其后。又文本相质难之祖也。（难经汇考）
虞集曰。史记不载越人着难经。而隋唐经籍艺文志。定着越人难经之目。作史记正义者。直载难经数章。愚
意以为古人因经设难。或极闸人弟子问答偶得此八十一章耳。未必经之当难者。止此八十一条。难由经发。不特
立言。且古人不求托名于书。故传之者。唯专门名家而已。其后流传寝广。官府得以录而着其目。注家得以引而
成文耳。（难经汇考）
滑寿曰。史记越人传。载赵简子号太子齐桓侯三疾之治。而无着难经之说。隋书经籍志。唐书艺文志。俱有
秦越人黄帝八十一难经。二卷之目。又唐诸王侍读张守节作史记正义。于扁鹊仓公传。则全引难经文以释其义。
后全载四十二难。与第一难。三十七难全文。由此则知古传以为秦越人所作者。不诬也。详其设问之辞。称经言
者。出于灵枢素问二经之文。在灵枢者尤多。亦有二经无所见者。岂越人别有摭于古经。或自设为问答也耶。
又曰。难经八十一篇。辞若甚简。然而荣卫度数。尺寸位置。阴阳旺相。脏腑内外。脉法病能。与夫经络
流注。针
刺俞穴。莫不该尽。昔人有以十三类统之者。于乎此经之义。大无不包。细无不举。十三类果足以尽之。与八十
一篇。果不出于十三类与。学人求之篇章之间。则其义自见矣。
又曰。此书固有类例。但当如大学朱子分章。以见记者之意则可。不当以已之立类。统经之篇章也。今观
一难至二十一难。皆言脉。二十二难至二十九难。论经络流注始终。长短度数。奇经之行，及病之吉凶也。其间
有云脉者。非谓尺寸之脉。乃经隧之脉也。三十难至四十三难。言荣卫三焦脏腑肠胃之详。四十四五难。言七冲
门。乃人身资生之用。八会。为热病在内之气穴也。四十六七难。言老幼寐寤。以明气血之盛衰。言人面耐寒。
以见阴阳之走会。四十八难至六十一难。言诊候病能。脏腑积聚。泄利伤寒杂病之别。而继之以望闻问切。医之
能事毕矣。六十二难至八十一难。言脏腑荣俞。用针补泻之法。又全体之学所不可无者。此记者以类相从。始终
之意备矣。
吕复曰。难经十三卷。乃秦越人祖述黄帝内经。设为问答之辞。以示学人。所引经言。多非灵素本文。盖古
有其书。而今亡之耳。
王 曰。秦越人八十一难。盖举黄帝岐伯之要旨而推明之。亚于内经者也。（音岩丛说。）
胡应麟曰。医方等录。虽亦称述黄岐。然文本古奥。语致玄妙。盖周秦之际。上士哲人之作。其徒欲以惊世。
窃附岐黄耳。考班志。扁鹊有内经九卷。外经十二卷。或即今难经也。
王文洁曰。扁鹊者，轩辕时扁鹊也。隐居岩岳。不登于
七人之列。而自作八十一难经。以后秦越人注之。今书称扁鹊秦越人。
四库全书提要曰。难经八十一篇。汉艺文志不载。隋唐志始载难经二卷。秦越人着。吴太医令吕广尝注之。
则其文当出三国前。广书今不传。未审即此本否。然唐张守节注史记扁鹊列传。所引难经。悉与今合。则今书犹
古本矣。其曰难经者。谓经文有疑。各设问难以答之。其中有此称经云。而素问灵枢无之者。则今本内经。传写
脱简也。其文辨析精微。词致简远。读者不能遽晓。故历代医家。多有注释。
姚际恒曰。伤寒论序云。撰用素问九卷。八十一难。八十一难者。即指素问九卷而言也。六朝人又为此。绝
可笑。（伪书考）
徐大椿曰。难经。非经也。以经文难解者。设为问难以明之。故曰难经。言以经文为难而释之也、是书之
旨。盖欲推本经旨。发挥至道。剖晰疑义。垂示后学。真读内经之津梁也。但其中亦有未尽善者。其问答之词。
有即引经文以释之者。经文本自明显。引之或反遗其要。以至经语反晦。或则无所发明。或则与两经相背。或则
以此语彼。此其所短也。其中有自出机杼。发挥妙道。未尝见于内经。而实能显内经之奥义。补内经之所未发。
此盖别有师承。足与内经并垂千古。不知创自越人乎。抑上古亦有此书。而越人引以为证乎。自隋唐以来。其书
盛着。尊崇之者固多。而无能驳正之者。盖业医之辈。读难经而识其大义也。为医道中杰出之流。安能更深考内
经。求其异同得失乎。古今流传之载籍。凡有舛误。后人无敢议者。比比然也。独难经乎哉。
按先子曰。八十一难之目。 见于张仲景伤寒论序。难是问难之
谓。隋萧吉五行大义。唐李善文选七发注。太平御览引此经。作八十一问。则其义可证焉。其冠以黄帝二字者。
正与内经同。盖出假托也。此经未详成于何人。考杨玄操序云。秦越人之所作也。司马迁云。天下至今言脉者由
扁鹊。盖论脉莫精于难经。则其说之所以起也。自仲景以来。叔和脉经。士安甲乙。往往引其文。则汉人所撰。
要之不失为古医经。亦何必论其作者。而其为说。一本素灵之精要。以发其蕴奥。而较之经义。往往有相诡。是
果何也。素问灵枢。旧称古之内经。而取两书较之。亦往往有其义相乖者。二经中已如此。又取素问灵枢。而篇
篇较之。其言有前后相畔者。一书中亦复如此。况难经虽原二经。而其实别是一家言。春秋三传。各异其辞。古
之说经立言。率皆为然。亦何遽取彼举此。而致轩轾耶。姚际恒伪书考。谓六朝人所为。疏谬亦甚。
又按八十一难经。较之于素问灵枢。其语气稍弱。似出于东都以后之人。而其所记又有与当时之语相类者。
若元气之称。始见于董仲舒春秋繁露。扬雄解嘲。而至后汉。比比称之。男生于寅。女生于申。说文包字注。高
诱淮南子注。离骚章句。俱载其说。木所以沉。金所以浮。出于白虎通。金生于巳。水生于申。泻南方火。补北
方水之类。并是五行纬说家之言。而素灵中未有道及者。特见于此经。且此经诊脉之法。分以三部。其事约易明。
自张仲景王叔和辈。执而用之。乃在医家。实为不磨之矜式。然征之素灵。业已不同。稽之仓公诊籍。复又不合。
则想其古法隐奥。以不遽易识别。故至后汉或罕传其术者。于是时师据素问有三部九候之称。仿而演之。以作一
家言者欤。其决非西京之文者。可以观矣。
又按千金翼方。诊脉大意。引一难五难五难文。外台。载删繁方六极论。引二十四难文。并称扁鹊曰。其文
虽稍异。而并似原于是经。考隋志。载删繁方十三卷。谢士泰撰。是士泰系于隋以上人。则是经属之于越人者。
不特创于杨玄操。余尝观宋板史记扁鹊传。僧幻云附标。所引难经。似是玄操原本。载其卷首名衔。曰。卢国秦
越人
撰。吴太医令吕广注。前歙州歙县尉杨玄操演。据此。吕广注本。似署越人名。然则士泰所称。殆循其旧者欤。
〔吕氏（博望）注众难经〕七录一卷（艺文略作二卷）佚
亡名氏玉匮针经序曰。吕博少以医术知名。善诊脉论疾。多所着述。吴赤乌二年。为太医令。撰玉匮针经。
及注八十一难经。大行于世。（太平御览）
熊均曰。按名医图。有吕博无吕广。予疑博即广也。
按僧幻云史记扁仓传附标曰。黄帝八十一难经。吴太医令吕广注。一本作吕博。按吕氏本名广。隋代避国讳。
遂转为博。先子曰。吕博望。即吕广也。魏张楫广雅。隋曹宪为之音解。避炀帝讳。更名博雅。据此吕名作博者。
系于隋人所易。岂甘氏名医图。偶不改之乎。盖医经之有注。莫先于此书。其说辑在于王翰林集注。几乎所谓名
亡而实不亡者。亦幸哉。
〔杨氏（玄操）黄帝八十一难经注〕读书后志一卷（文献通考作五卷。本朝现下书目作九卷。）佚
自序曰。黄帝八十一难者。斯乃勃海秦越人所作也。越人受桑君之秘术。遂洞明医道。至能彻视腑脏。刳
肠剔心。以其与轩辕时扁鹊相类。乃号之为扁鹊。又家于卢国。因命之曰卢医。世或以卢扁为二人者。斯实谬矣。
按黄帝有内经二帙。帙各九卷。而其义幽赜。殆难穷览。越人乃采摘英华。抄撮精要。二部经内。凡八十一章。
勒成滚动条。伸演其首。探微索隐。传示后昆。名为八十一难。以其理趣深远。非卒易了故也。既弘畅圣言。故首
称黄帝。斯乃医经之心髓。救疾之枢机。所谓脱牙角于象犀。收羽毛于翡翠者矣。逮于吴太医令吕广为之注解。
亦会合玄宗。足可垂训。而所释未半。余皆见阙。余性好医方。问道无HT 。斯经章句。特
承师授。既而耽研无HT 。十载于兹。虽未达其本源。盖亦举其纲目。此教所兴。多历年代。非唯文句舛错。抑亦
事绪参差。后人传览。良难领会。今辄条贯编次。使类例相从。凡为一十三篇。仍旧八十首。吕氏未解。今并注
释。吕氏注不尽。因亦伸之。并别为音义。以彰厥旨。昔皇甫玄晏。总三部为甲乙之科。近世华阳陶贞白。广肘
后为百一之制。皆所以留情极虑。济育群生者矣。余今所演。盖亦远慕高仁。迩遵盛德。但恨庸识有量。圣旨无
涯。 短汲深。玄致难尽。前歙州歙县尉杨玄操序。
按杨玄操不详何朝人。考开元中。张守节作史记正义。于仓公传。采录杨序及说。则知为初唐人。其演注
全在于王翰林集注中。所谓亦是名亡而实不亡者。然似与杨康侯注相错。弟坚尝钞出吕杨旧注。更据晋唐以来诸
（此人）因献赋被召见考试，特赐举人功名。授予内阁中书一职。刚上任，就上奏充任方略馆纂修官。进入军机处行走办事。后提拔为内阁侍读。晚年担任庐江书院院长。去世，享年五十七岁。生平著作有《素灵发伏》，共二十多种。（出自《潜研堂文集》）
〔黄氏（元御）《素灵微蕴》〕四卷 存世
〔《黄帝八十一难经》〕隋代经籍志记载为二卷 已佚
皇甫谧说：黄帝命令雷公、岐伯，论述经脉，旁通问难，共八十一条，称为《难经》。（《太平御览》引《帝王世纪》○按：“为”字应当移到“八十一”之上。）
旧《唐书·经籍志》说：《黄帝八十一难经》一卷，由秦越人撰写。
王勃序言说：《黄帝八十一难经》，是医经的秘录。从前岐伯传授给黄帝，黄帝经过九位老师传授给伊尹，伊尹传授给商汤，商汤经过六位老师传授给姜太公，姜太公传授给周文王，周文王经过九位老师传授给医和，医和经过六位老师传授给秦越人。秦越人才开始定立章句，经过九位老师传授给华佗，华佗经过六位老师传授给黄公，黄公传授给曹夫子。夫子名元，字真道，自称是京兆人。大概他传授给黄公的医术，洞明医道，甚至能遥望气色，透视脏腑，剖开胸膛、清洗肠胃的技术，常常施行。浮沉于人间，没有人知道。（出自《文苑英华》）
杨玄操说：《黄帝八十一难经》，这是渤海人秦越人所作。
又说：《黄帝内经》两帙，每帙各九卷，但其义理幽深隐晦，几乎难以穷尽阅览。秦越人于是采摘精华，抄撮精要，在两部经书中，共八十一章，编成卷轴，推演其首，探究微妙，寻求隐义，传示后代子孙，命名为《八十一难》，因为其理趣深远，不是短时间内就能明白的缘故。既然弘扬畅达圣人的言论，所以开头称黄帝。
又说：“难”，读音为乃丹切。（释幻云在《史记》附标中说明）
丁德用说：《难经》历代只传给一个人，到了魏国华佗，他的文章却在狱中被烧毁。在晋宋之间，虽然有张仲景、王叔和的书，各自展示其文，但滥觞其说。到了吴国太医令吕广重新编纂这部经书，而文义次序仍有差错。据此，《难经》是被烧毁后的残余文章，其编次又经过吕广之手，固然不能没有缺失。（出自《难经汇考》）
黎泰辰说：世间流传的《黄帝八十一难经》，称之为“难”，难道不是因为人的五脏六腑隐藏在体内，被邪气侵犯，不可测知，只能通过脉理来探究其大概吗？比如脉象重按十二菽者，又有像按车盖，又像抚摸鸡羽者，再考察内外证候并参校它们，不是很困难吗？（出自《难经汇考》）
苏轼说：医学中的《难经》，句句都有道理，字字都有法则。后世通达的人，神妙地阐明它，就像走珠一样，如珠滚动，没有什么不可以的。如果提出新意，而抛弃旧学，认为无用，这不是愚昧无知就是狂妄罢了。譬如民间俗医，不通过经典论述，直接传授药方，用来治病，并非不一定有效。至于遇到病就能应对，悬断生死，那就和懂得经学古法的人不可同日而语了。世人只看到他们有一到之功，或者比古人快捷，因此认为《难经》可以不学而可，这难道不是错误吗？（出自《楞伽经跋》）
赵希弁说：秦越人传授桑君秘术，洞明医道，采摘《黄帝内经》精要的说法，共八十一章，编次为十三类，其理趣深远，不容易明白，所以名叫《难经》。
陈振孙说：《汉书·艺文志》只有《扁鹊内外经》，隋代经籍志才开始有《难经》，唐代经籍志于是题名为秦越人，都不可考证。“难”字应当读去声。
李梴说：《黄帝八十一难经》，由卢国人秦越人撰写。《史记·列传》说：扁鹊，姓秦氏，名越人，就是扬雄所说的扁鹊是卢国人。假设问答，来解释疑难的意义，共八十一篇，所以叫《八十一难经》。医经的兴起，始于黄帝，所以系属黄帝，是为了明确其义，都是有所传承的，而不是私智曲说。
纪天锡说：秦越人将《黄帝素问》疑难的意义，八十一篇，重新阐明，所以叫《八十一难经》。
吴澄说：以前的神医秦越人，撰写《八十一难》，后人将其八十一分为十三篇，我曾遗憾他分篇不当，厘正并修正它。其篇目共六部分：一至二十二论脉，二十三至二十九论经络，三十至四十七论脏腑，四十八至六十一论病，六十二至六十八论穴道，六十九至八十一论针法。秦越人的书，与《内经》《素问》《灵枢》相表里，而论脉论经络居初，难道不是医之道应当先明白这些吗？（出自《赠医士章伯明序》）
欧阳玄说：在手腕寸口切脉，这种方法从秦越人开始。大概是医者的祖师。《难经》是先秦古文，汉代以来的《答客难》等作品，都在其后，又是文本相互质难的祖先。（出自《难经汇考》）
虞集说：《史记》不记载越人撰写《难经》，而隋唐经籍艺文志，确定著录越人《难经》的条目。作《史记正义》的人，直接引用《难经》数章。我意思是古人因经设难，或者是极闸人弟子问答偶然得到这八十一章罢了。未必经文应当难的，只止这八十一条。难由经发，不专门立言，而且古人不求托名于书，所以流传的，只是专门名家而已。其后流传渐渐广泛，官府得以记录并著录其目，注家得以引用而成文。（出自《难经汇考》）
滑寿说：《史记》越人传，记载赵简子、太子、齐桓侯三种疾病的医治，而没有记载《难经》的说法。《隋书·经籍志》、《唐书·艺文志》，都有秦越人《黄帝八十一难经》二卷的条目。另外唐朝诸王侍读张守节作《史记正义》，在扁鹊仓公传中，则全引《难经》文以解释其义。后来全载第四十二难，与第一难、第三十七难全文。由此可知古代传说认为是秦越人所作，是不诬蔑的。详细看其设问的言辞，称“经言”的，出于《灵枢》《素问》两经的文辞，在《灵枢》中尤其多。也有两经中没有见到的，难道是越人另外摘取于古经，或者自己设为问答吗？
又说：《难经》八十一篇，辞藻似乎很简略，然而荣卫度数、尺寸位置、阴阳旺相、脏腑内外、脉法病能，以及经络流注、针刺俞穴，无不包罗殆尽。以前有人用十三类统括它，唉，此经的意义，大无不包，细无不举，十三类果真足以尽之吗？与八十一篇，果真不出于十三类吗？学人在篇章之间寻求，其意义自然显现。
又说：此书固有类别体例，但应当像朱熹在《大学》中分章那样，以显示记录者的意图即可，不应当用自己的设立类别，来统摄经书的篇章。现在看第一难到第二十一难，都说脉；第二十二难到第二十九难，论经络流注始终、长短度数、奇经之行，及病的吉凶。其中有的说脉，不是说寸口之脉，而是经隧之脉。第三十难到第四十三难，言荣卫、三焦、脏腑、肠胃的详细情况；第四十四、四十五难，言七冲门，是人身资生的作用；八会，是热病在内的气穴。第四十六、四十七难，言老幼睡眠，以明气血的盛衰；言人脸耐寒，以见阴阳的走会。第四十八难到第六十一难，言诊候病能、脏腑积聚、泄利伤寒杂病的区别，接着以望闻问切，医的能力事毕矣。第六十二难到第八十一难，言脏腑荣俞，用针补泻的方法，又是整体学问所不可缺少的。这是记录者以类相从，始终之意完备了。
吕复说：《难经》十三卷，是秦越人祖述《黄帝内经》，设为问答之辞，以指示学人。所引用的经言，大多不是《灵枢》《素问》本文，大概是古代有其书，而今亡佚了。
王肯堂说：秦越人《八十一难》，大概是列举黄帝、岐伯的要旨而推明它，仅次于《内经》。（出自《音岩丛说》）
胡应麟说：医方等录，虽然也称述黄帝、岐伯，但文本古奥，语致玄妙，大概是周秦之际，上士哲人的作品。他们的徒弟想以此惊世，窃附岐黄之名。考察班固《汉书·艺文志》，扁鹊有《内经》九卷、《外经》十二卷，或许就是现在的《难经》。
王文洁说：扁鹊，是轩辕时代的扁鹊。隐居岩岳，不列入七人之列，而自己撰写《八十一难经》，后来由秦越人注释。现在的书称扁鹊秦越人。
《四库全书提要》说：《难经》八十一篇，《汉·艺文志》不载，隋唐志才开始记载《难经》二卷，秦越人著。吴太医令吕广曾为之注解，那么其文应当出自三国之前。吕广的书今已不传，不知是否就是这个版本。然而唐代张守节注《史记·扁鹊列传》，所引用的《难经》，都与现在吻合，那么现在的书还是古本了。之所以叫《难经》，是说经文有疑惑，各设问难以回答它。其中有这种称“经”云，而《素问》《灵枢》中没有的，那么现在的《内经》，是传写脱简了。其文辨析精微，词致简远，读者不能立刻明白，所以历代医家，多有注释。
姚际恒说：《伤寒论》序说：撰用《素问》九卷、《八十一难》。《八十一难》即指《素问》九卷而言。六朝人又为此说，绝可笑。（出自《伪书考》）
徐大椿说：《难经》，不是经。因为经文难解，设为问难以阐明它，所以叫《难经》。说是以经文为难而解释它。这本书的宗旨，大概是想要推究根本经旨，发挥至道，剖析疑义，垂示后学，真是读《内经》的津梁。但其中也有不尽善的地方。其问答之词，有直接引用经文来解释的，经文本来明显，引用它反而遗漏要点，以至于经文语意反而晦涩；或者则没有发明，或者则与两经相背，或者则以此语彼，这是它的短处。其中有自出机杼，发挥妙道，未曾见于《内经》，而确实能显《内经》的奥义，补《内经》所未发的，这大概别有师承，足以与《内经》并垂千古。不知是创自越人呢，还是上古也有此书，而越人引以为证呢？自隋唐以来，此书盛行，尊崇它的人固然多，但没有能驳正它的人。大概是习医之辈，读《难经》而识其大义，作为医道中杰出之流，怎么能更深考《内经》，求其异同得失呢？古今流传的载籍，凡有舛误，后人无敢议论的，比比皆是。难道只有《难经》吗？
按：先父说：《八十一难》的目，见于张仲景《伤寒论》序。“难”是问难的意思。隋代萧吉《五行大义》、唐代李善《文选·七发》注、《太平御览》引此经，作《八十一问》，那么其义可以证明。冠以“黄帝”二字，正与《内经》相同，大概是假托。此经不详成于何人，考察杨玄操序说：是秦越人所作。司马迁说：天下至今言脉者由扁鹊。大概论脉没有比《难经》更精妙的，那么这种说法之所以兴起的原因。自从张仲景以来，王叔和《脉经》、皇甫谧《甲乙经》，往往引用其文，则是汉人所撰。总之不失为古医经，又何必讨论其作者，而其学说，一本《素问》《灵枢》的精要，以发其蕴奥，而较之经义，往往有相违背，这究竟为什么呢？《素问》《灵枢》，旧称古之内经，而取两书比较，也往往有其义相乖违的。两书中已如此，又取《素问》《灵枢》，而篇篇比较，其言有前后相背叛的，一书中亦复如此。何况《难经》虽源于二经，而其实别是一家之言。《春秋》三传，各异其辞，古之说经立言，率皆为然，又何必取彼举此，而致轩轾（偏颇）呢？姚际恒《伪书考》，谓六朝人所为，疏谬也很甚。
又按：《八十一难经》，较之于《素问》《灵枢》，其语气稍弱，似出于东汉以后之人，而其所记又有与当时之语相类的。若“元气”之称，始见于董仲舒《春秋繁露》、扬雄《解嘲》，而至后汉，比比称之。“男生于寅，女生于申”，《说文》“包”字注、高诱《淮南子》注、《离骚》章句，俱载其说。“木所以沉，金所以浮”，出于《白虎通》。“金生于巳，水生于申”、“泻南方火，补北方水”之类，并是五行纬说家之言，而《素问》《灵枢》中未有道及的，唯独见于此经。且此经诊脉之法，分以三部，其事约易明，自从张仲景、王叔和辈，执而用之，乃在医家，实为不磨之矜式（不可磨灭的准则）。然而征之《素问》《灵枢》，业已不同，稽之仓公诊籍，复又不合，那么想其古法隐奥，以不遽易识别，故至后汉或罕传其术者。于是时师据《素问》有“三部九候”之称，仿而演之，以作一家言者欤？其决非西京（西汉）之文者，可以观矣。
又按：《千金翼方》，诊脉大意，引《难经》第五难、五难文，《外台秘要》，载《删繁方》六极论，引第二十四难文，并称扁鹊曰。其文虽稍异，而并似原于是经。考察隋代经籍志，载《删繁方》十三卷，谢士泰撰。是士泰系于隋以上人。则是经属之于越人者，不特创于杨玄操。余尝观宋板《史记·扁鹊传》，僧幻云附标，所引《难经》，似是玄操原本，载其卷首名衔，曰：卢国秦越人撰，吴太医令吕广注，前歙州歙县尉杨玄操演。据此，吕广注本，似署越人名。然则士泰所称，殆循其旧者欤？
〔吕氏（博望）注《众难经》〕七录一卷（《艺文略》作二卷） 已佚
无名氏《玉匮针经序》说：吕博年轻时以医术知名，善于诊脉论疾，多有著作。吴赤乌二年，任太医令，撰写《玉匮针经》，以及注《八十一难经》，大行于世。（出自《太平御览》）
熊均说：按《名医图》，有吕博无吕广，我怀疑博就是广。
按：僧幻云《史记·扁仓传》附标说：《黄帝八十一难经》，吴太医令吕广注。一本作吕博。按吕氏本名广，隋代避国讳，遂转为博。先父说：吕博望，即吕广也。魏代张楫《广雅》，隋代曹宪为之音解，避炀帝讳，更名《博雅》。据此吕名作博者，系于隋人所易，岂甘氏《名医图》，偶不改之乎？大概是医经之有注，莫先于此书。其说辑在于王翰林集注中，几乎所谓名亡而实不亡者，也是幸事。
〔杨氏（玄操）《黄帝八十一难经注》〕《读书后志》一卷（《文献通考》作五卷，本朝现下书目作九卷。） 已佚
自序说：《黄帝八十一难》，这是渤海人秦越人所作。越人受桑君之秘术，遂洞明医道，甚至能彻视脏腑，刳肠剔心。因为他与轩辕时代扁鹊相类，于是号之为扁鹊。又家于卢国，因而命之曰卢医。世人或以卢、扁为二人者，这实在谬误。
按：黄帝有《内经》两帙，每帙各九卷，而其义幽深隐晦，几乎难以穷尽阅览。秦越人于是采摘精华，抄撮精要，在两部经书中，共八十一章，编成卷轴，推演其首，探究微妙，寻求隐义，传示后代子孙，命名为《八十一难》，因为其理趣深远，不是短时间内就能明白的缘故。既然弘扬畅达圣人的言论，所以开头称黄帝。这是医经的心髓，救疾的枢机，所谓脱牙角于象犀，收羽毛于翡翠者。等到吴太医令吕广为之注解，也会合玄宗，足可垂训，而所解释未过半，其余皆见缺失。我生性好医方，问道无倦，此经章句，特承师授。继而沉迷研究无倦，十年于此。虽然未达其本源，大概也举其纲目。此教所兴，多历年代，不仅文句舛错，也是事绪参差。后人传览，良难领会。现在辄条贯编次，使类例相从，共为一十三篇，仍旧八十首。吕氏未解的，现在并注释。吕氏注不尽的，因而也伸延之。并别为音义，以彰厥旨。从前皇甫玄晏，总三部为甲乙之科，近世华阳陶贞白，广《肘后》为百一之制，都是所以留情极虑，济育群生者。我现在所演，大概也远慕高仁，近遵盛德。只恨庸识有量，圣旨无涯，短绠汲深，玄致难尽。前歙州歙县尉杨玄操序。
按：杨玄操不详何朝人。考察开元中，张守节作《史记正义》，于仓公传，采录杨序及说，则知为初唐人。其演注全在于王翰林集注中，所谓亦是名亡而实不亡者。然而似乎与杨康侯注相错。弟坚曾钞出吕、杨旧注，更据晋唐以来诸...
(He) was summoned for examination due to presenting a fu (rhapsody), and was specially granted the degree of Juren. He was appointed as Zhongshu (Mid-level Official in the Grand Secretariat). Upon assuming office, he immediately memorialized to serve as a Compiler at the Fanglue Guan (Institute for Compiling Military Strategies). He entered the Junji Chu (Grand Council) to perform duties. He was promoted to Shidu Neige (Attendant Reader in the Grand Secretariat). In his later years, he served as the Dean of Lujiang Academy. He passed away at the age of fifty-seven. His lifetime writings include *Suling Fafu* (Unveiling the Secrets of the Suwen and Lingshu), totaling over twenty works. (From *Qianyan Tang Wenji*)
[Huang's (Yuanyu) *Suling Wei Yun*] Four volumes. Extant.
[*Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing* (The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Difficulties)] Recorded as two volumes in the Sui Dynasty bibliographies. Lost.
Huangfu Mi said: The Yellow Emperor commanded Leigong and Qibo to discuss meridians and collaterals, posing questions and difficulties on their interconnections. There were eighty-one items, hence the name *Nanjing*. (Cited from *Taiping Yulan*, quoting *Diwang Shiji*. Note: The character "wei" should be moved before "bayishu".)
The Old *Book of Tang* bibliography states: *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing*, one volume, authored by Qin Yueren.
Wang Bo's preface says: *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing* is a secret record of medical classics. In ancient times, Qibo transmitted it to the Yellow Emperor. The Yellow Emperor transmitted it through nine masters to Yi Yin. Yi Yin transmitted it to King Tang. King Tang transmitted it through six masters to Jiang Taigong. Jiang Taigong transmitted it to King Wen. King Wen transmitted it through nine masters to Yi He. Yi He transmitted it through six masters to Qin Yueren. Qin Yueren was the first to establish its chapters and sentences. He transmitted it through nine masters to Hua Tuo. Hua Tuo transmitted it through six masters to Huang Gong. Huang Gong transmitted it to Master Cao. Master Cao's given name was Yuan, courtesy name Zhendao, and he claimed to be from Jingzhao. Presumably, the medical arts he transmitted to Huang Gong allowed him to thoroughly understand medical principles, even to the point of being able to observe qi and complexion from afar, and see through to the viscera and bowels. Techniques such as washing intestines and opening chests were often practiced. He floated among the common people, and no one knew him. (From *Wenyuan Yinghua*)
Yang Xuance said: *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing* was written by Qin Yueren of Bohai.
He also said: *Huangdi Neijing* consists of two bundles, each with nine volumes, but its meaning is profound and obscure, almost impossible to fully explore. Yueren then selected the essence, excerpted the key points, and from these two classics, compiled eighty-one chapters into scrolls, expanding upon the beginning, exploring subtleties, seeking hidden meanings, and transmitting them to future generations. It was named *Bayishu Nan* (Eighty-One Difficulties) because its principles are profound and not easily understood in a short time. Since it promotes and elucidates the words of the sages, it begins with the title Yellow Emperor.
He also stated: "Nan" is pronounced "nandan qie" (as explained by Monk Huan in the annotation of *Shiji*).
Ding Deyong said: *Nanjing* was transmitted from generation to generation to only one person. By the time of Hua Tuo in the Wei dynasty, his manuscripts were burned in prison. Between the Jin and Song dynasties, although there were books by Zhang Zhongjing and Wang Shuhe, they each presented their texts, but the origins of the theory were diffuse. When Lu Guang, Grand Medical Director of Wu, recompiled this classic, the textual order and meaning still had discrepancies. According to this, *Nanjing* is text remaining after burning, and its compilation was handled by Lu Guang, so it inevitably has omissions and errors. (From *Nanjing Huikao*)
Li Taichen said: The *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing* circulated in the world is called "Nan" (Difficult), perhaps because the five zang and six fu organs are hidden within the body, invaded by pathogenic factors, and cannot be directly perceived; only pulse diagnosis can approximate their state. For example, a pulse that feels heavy like twelve chickpeas when pressed, or one that feels like pressing a carriage canopy, or like stroking a chicken feather. Further investigating internal and external symptoms and cross-referencing them—is this not difficult? (From *Nanjing Huikao*)
Su Shi said: In medicine, *Nanjing* contains logic in every sentence and method in every word. Later scholars who understood it applied it divinely and clearly, like a pearl rolling smoothly, with nothing they could not achieve. If one proposes new ideas while discarding old learning as useless, one is either ignorant or mad. Consider vulgar physicians who do not study classics but directly prescribe formulas. They may occasionally cure diseases, but when it comes to responding to every illness and determining life and death, they cannot be compared to those who know classics and antiquity. People only see their occasional success or speed surpassing ancients, and thus think *Nanjing* can be ignored. Is this not a mistake? (From *Lengqie Jing Ba*)
Zhao Xibian said: Qin Yueren received secret arts from Sang Jun, thoroughly understanding medical principles. He extracted essential teachings from *Huangdi Neijing*, totaling eighty-one chapters, organized into thirteen categories. Its principles are profound and not easily understood, hence the name *Nanjing*.
Chen Zhen Sun said: The *Han Shu Yiwen Zhi* only lists *Bianque Neijing* and *Waijing*. The Sui bibliography first lists *Nanjing*, and the Tang bibliography attributes it to Qin Yueren, all unverified. "Nan" should be read with the departing tone.
Li Chen said: *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing* was written by Qin Yueren of Lu State. *Shiji Liezhuan* states: Bianque, whose surname was Qin and given name Yueren, is the Bianque of Lu mentioned by Yang Xiong. Using hypothetical questions and answers to explain difficult meanings, totaling eighty-one chapters, hence *Bayishu Nanjing*. The rise of medical classics began with the Yellow Emperor, so attributing it to him clarifies that the teachings have a source and are not private speculations.
Ji Tianxi said: Qin Yueren clarified the difficult meanings of *Huangdi Suwen* in eighty-one chapters, hence *Bayishu Nanjing*.
Wu Cheng said: The ancient divine physician Qin Yueren wrote *Bayishu Nan*. Later scholars divided the eighty-one chapters into thirteen sections. I once regretted their improper division and corrected it into six sections: Chapters 1-22 discuss pulses; 23-29 discuss meridians and collaterals; 30-47 discuss zang-fu organs; 48-61 discuss diseases; 62-68 discuss acupoints; 69-81 discuss acupuncture methods. Qin Yueren's book is complementary to *Neijing*, *Suwen*, and *Lingshu*. Discussing pulses and meridians first suggests these are the primary things to understand in medicine. (From *Zeng Yishi Zhang Boming Xu*)
Ouyang Xuan said: Pulse diagnosis at the cunkou (radial artery) of the wrist originated with Qin Yueren, making him the ancestor of physicians. *Nanjing* is Pre-Qin classical Chinese; works like *Da Kenan* from the Han dynasty came later. It is also the ancestor of textual questioning. (From *Nanjing Huikao*)
Yu Ji said: *Shiji* does not record Yueren writing *Nanjing*, but Sui and Tang bibliographies list *Yueren Nanjing*. The author of *Shiji Zhengyi* directly quotes chapters of *Nanjing*. I believe ancients posed difficulties based on classics, or perhaps disciples' Q&A accidentally yielded these eighty-one chapters. Not all difficult points in the classics are limited to these eighty-one. Difficulties arise from classics, not standing alone. Ancients did not seek false attribution, so transmission was limited to specialists. Later, it spread widely, allowing official records and commentators to cite it. (From *Nanjing Huikao*)
Hua Shou said: *Shiji* biography of Yueren records treatments for Duke Jianzi of Zhao, Crown Prince, and Duke Huan of Qi, but mentions no writing of *Nanjing*. *Suishu Jingji Zhi* and *Tangshu Yiwen Zhi* both list Qin Yueren's *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing*, two volumes. Additionally, Zhang Shoujie, Attendant Reader to Tang princes, in *Shiji Zhengyi*, fully quotes *Nanjing* text to explain Bianque and Cang Gong biographies. Later, it fully cites Chapter 42, and the full text of Chapters 1 and 37. This confirms the ancient tradition that Qin Yueren authored it is not false. Examining the rhetorical questions, references to "Jing Yan" (words of the Classic) come from *Lingshu* and *Suwen*, especially *Lingshu*. Some are not found in these two classics. Did Yueren extract them from other ancient classics, or create the Q&A himself?
He also said: *Nanjing* eighty-one chapters seem concise, yet covers degrees of Ying and Wei, positions of Cun and Chi, phases of Yin and Yang, interior/exterior of zang-fu, pulse methods and disease capabilities, meridian flow, and acupuncture points. Previously, some organized it into thirteen categories. Alas, the meaning of this classic is all-encompassing. Do thirteen categories suffice? Do eighty-one chapters not exceed thirteen? Students will find the meaning within the chapters.
He also said: This book has inherent categories, but one should follow Zhu Xi's chapter divisions in *Daxue* to reveal the compiler's intent, rather than imposing one's own categories on the text. Now, Chapters 1-21 discuss pulses; 22-29 discuss meridian flow, length, degrees, extraordinary vessels, and disease prognosis. Some mention pulses, referring to vessel pulses, not just radial pulses. Chapters 30-43 discuss Ying, Wei, Sanjiao, zang-fu, and bowels in detail; 44-45 discuss Seven Chong Gates (vital openings); Eight Hui points are qi points for internal heat diseases; 46-47 discuss sleep/wake in young/old to show Qi/Blood decline/prosperity; facial cold resistance shows Yin/Yang convergence; 48-61 discuss diagnosis, zang-fu accumulations, diarrhea/dysentery, cold damage, and miscellaneous diseases, followed by observation, listening/smelling, inquiry, and palpation, completing medical skills; 62-81 discuss zang-fu Ying-Shu points and tonification/reduction acupuncture methods, essential for holistic study. The compiler grouped by category, completing the beginning and end.
Lu Fu said: *Nanjing* thirteen volumes are Qin Yueren's elaboration of *Huangdi Neijing* via Q&A to instruct students. Quoted "classic words" are mostly not from *Lingshu* or *Suwen*, likely from lost ancient texts.
Wang Kentang said: Qin Yueren's *Bayishu Nan* highlights and explains the essentials of the Yellow Emperor and Qibo, second only to *Neijing*. (From *Yinyan Congshuo*)
Hu Yinglin said: Medical formularies cite Huangdi and Qibo, but the text is archaic and profound, likely works of superior philosophers in Zhou/Qin times, falsely attributed to Qibo/Huangdi to impress. Ban Gu's bibliography lists Bianque's *Neijing* nine volumes and *Waijing* twelve volumes; perhaps this is the current *Nanjing*.
Wang Wenjie said: Bianque was Bianque from the Xuanyuan era. He lived in seclusion, not among the Seven Sages, and wrote *Bayishu Nanjing* himself, later annotated by Qin Yueren. Current books call him Bianque Qin Yueren.
*Summary of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries* says: *Nanjing* eighty-one chapters are not in *Han Yiwen Zhi*, appearing first in Sui/Tang bibliographies as two volumes by Qin Yueren. Lu Guang, Grand Medical Director of Wu, annotated it, so the text predates the Three Kingdoms. Lu Guang's work is lost, unknown if this is the same version. However, Zhang Shoujie's Tang commentary on *Shiji* matches current text, so current book is ancient. "Nan" means posing questions about unclear classic passages. Some "Jing Yan" citations are absent in *Suwen* and *Lingshu*, suggesting missing slips in current *Neijing*. The text is precise and concise, hard to grasp, leading many commentators.
Yao Jiheng said: *Shanghan Lun* preface cites using *Suwen* nine volumes and *Bayishu Nan*. *Bayishu Nan* refers to *Suwen* nine volumes. Six Dynasties people created this confusion, which is ridiculous. (From *Weishu Kao*)
Xu Dachun said: *Nanjing* is not a classic. It poses questions to clarify difficult classic passages, hence "Nan Jing" (Classic of Difficulties). Its purpose is to trace original principles, expound supreme Dao, resolve doubts, and teach students, serving as a bridge to *Neijing*. However, it has flaws. Some Q&A quote obvious classics, obscuring key points or contradicting other classics. Some offer original insights not in *Neijing*, revealing its mysteries and supplementing its gaps, possibly from separate lineage, worthy of standing with *Neijing*. Unknown if created by Yueren or derived from ancient texts he cited. Since Sui/Tang, it has been revered, but rarely criticized. Physicians reading it grasp general principles but lack depth to compare with *Neijing*. Errors in ancient texts are rarely challenged. Why only *Nanjing*?
Note: My father said: The title *Bayishu Nan* appears in Zhang Zhongjing's *Shanghan Lun* preface. "Nan" means questioning. Sui Xiao Ji's *Wuxing Dayi*, Tang Li Shan's *Wenxuan* commentary, and *Taiping Yulan* cite it as *Bayishu Wen* (Eighty-One Questions), proving the meaning. Attributing it to Yellow Emperor is a false attribution, similar to *Neijing*. Authorship is unknown. Yang Xuance's preface says Qin Yueren. Sima Qian says pulse diagnosis comes from Bianque. Since *Nanjing* excels in pulse theory, this explains its origin. Since Zhongjing, Wang Shuhe's *Maijing*, and Huangfu Mi's *Jia Yi Jing* quote it, it is Han dynasty work. Ultimately, it remains an ancient medical classic, regardless of author. Its theory extracts essence from *Suwen* and *Lingshu* to reveal depths, yet often contradicts them. Why? *Suwen* and *Lingshu*, called ancient inner classics, contradict each other internally. Even within single chapters, contradictions exist. Though *Nanjing* originates from these two, it is a distinct school. Like the three commentaries on *Spring and Autumn Annals*, ancient exegesis varied. Why prefer one over another? Yao Jiheng's *Weishu Kao* claims Six Dynasties authorship, which is also flawed.
Also: Compared to *Suwen* and *Lingshu*, *Nanjing*'s tone is weaker, suggesting post-Eastern Han origin. Terminology like "Yuanqi" (Primal Qi) appears in Dong Zhongshu's *Chunqiu Fanlu* and Yang Xiong's *Jiechao*, becoming common in Eastern Han. "Males born in Yin, females born in Shen" appears in *Shuowen*, Gao You's *Huainanzi* commentary, and *Lisao* commentary. "Wood sinks, Metal floats" comes from *Baihu Tong*. "Metal born in Si, Water born in Shen," "Drain South Fire, Tonify North Water" are Five Elements apocrypha theories absent in *Suwen/Lingshu* but present in *Nanjing*. Also, *Nanjing*'s pulse diagnosis divides into three parts, simple and clear. Adopted by Zhongjing and Wang Shuhe, it became a standard model. However, it differs from *Suwen/Lingshu* and Canggong's case records. Ancient methods were obscure, rarely transmitted by Eastern Han. Contemporary physicians, citing *Suwen*'s "Three Parts and Nine Holdings," modeled their system on it, creating a new school. Thus, it is certainly not Western Han text.
Also: *Qianjin Yifang* cites *Nanjing* Chapter 5 for pulse diagnosis. *Waitai Miyao* cites Chapter 24 in *Shanfan Fang*. Both attribute to Bianque. Texts differ slightly but seem original to *Nanjing*. Sui bibliography lists *Shanfan Fang* thirteen volumes by Xie Shitai. Shitai predates Sui. Thus, attributing *Nanjing* to Yueren was not just Yang Xuance's invention. I observed Song edition *Shiji Bianque Zhuan* with Monk Huan's annotation, quoting *Nanjing* resembling Xuance's original, listing: Written by Qin Yueren of Lu State, Annotated by Lu Guang, Grand Medical Director of Wu, Expounded by Yang Xuance, Prefect of She County. Thus, Lu Guang's annotation likely bore Yueren's name. Shitai probably followed this tradition.
[Lv's (Bowang) Annotation *Zhong Nan Jing*] One volume in *Qilu* (Two volumes in *Yiwen Lue*). Lost.
Anonymous *Yugui Zhenjing Xu* says: Lv Bo was famous for medicine in youth, skilled in pulse diagnosis and disease discussion, with many writings. In 2nd year of Chiwu (Wu dynasty), he served as Grand Medical Director, wrote *Yugui Zhenjing*, and annotated *Bayishu Nanjing*, widely circulated. (From *Taiping Yulan*)
Xiong Jun said: According to *Mingyi Tu*, there is Lv Bo but no Lv Guang. I suspect Bo is Guang.
Note: Monk Huan's annotation in *Shiji Biancang Zhuan* says: *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing*, annotated by Lu Guang, Grand Medical Director of Wu. One version reads Lv Bo. Lv's original name was Guang. In Sui dynasty, to avoid imperial taboo, it changed to Bo. My father said: Lv Bowang is Lv Guang. Zhang Jie of Wei wrote *Guangya*, annotated by Cao Xuan of Sui. To avoid Emperor Yang's taboo, *Guangya* was renamed *Boya*. Thus, "Bo" in Lv's name was changed by Sui people. Did Gan's *Mingyi Tu* fail to update? Medical classics with annotations started with this book. Its sayings are collected in Wang Hanlin's *Jizhuzhu*, nearly "lost in name but not in substance." How fortunate.
[Yang's (Xuance) *Huangdi Bayishu Nanjing Zhu*] One volume in *Dushu Houzhi* (Five volumes in *Wenhian Tongkao*, Nine volumes in current Qing catalog). Lost.
Self-preface says: *Huangdi Bayishu Nan* was written by Qin Yueren of Bohai. Yueren received secret arts from Sang Jun, thoroughly understanding medicine, able to see through viscera and bowels, open intestines and hearts. Because he resembled Bianque from Xuanyuan's time, he was called Bianque. Living in Lu State, he was called Lu Yi. Some confuse Lu and Bian as two people, which is wrong.
Note: Yellow Emperor's *Neijing* has two bundles, nine volumes each, profound and hard to read. Yueren selected essence, compiled eighty-one chapters into scrolls, expanded beginnings, explored subtleties, named *Bayishu Nan* for its depth. It promotes sage words, starting with Yellow Emperor. It is the marrow of medical classics and pivot of saving lives. Lu Guang, Grand Medical Director of Wu, annotated it, aligning with profound principles, but his explanation was incomplete. I love medical formulas, asked questions tirelessly. This classic's chapters were specially transmitted by my master. I studied it for ten years. Though I haven't reached the source, I grasped the outline. This teaching has existed for ages, with textual errors and disordered events, hard for later readers. I now organize it into thirteen categories, keeping eighty items. I annotate what Lu missed and expand his partial notes. I added phonetics and meanings to clarify intent. Huangfu Xuanwan categorized *Sanbu* into *Jia Yi*; Tao Zhenbai expanded *Zhoubi* into *Baiyi*. Both aimed to help beings. I emulate their benevolence. Regret my limited wisdom against boundless sage intent. Short rope cannot draw deep water. Preface by Yang Xuance, Prefect of She County.
Note: Yang Xuance's dynasty is unknown. Zhang Shoujie's *Shiji Zhengyi* (Kaiyuan era) quotes Yang's preface, indicating Early Tang. His annotations are in Wang Hanlin's *Jizhuzhu*, "lost in name but not in substance." Seems mixed with Yang Kanghou's notes. Brother Jian copied old Lu and Yang notes, consulting Jin/Tang sources...