〔吴氏（有性）温疫论〕二卷 存
自序曰。夫温疫之为病。非风非寒。非暑非湿。乃天地间别有一种异气所感。其传有九。此治疫紧要关节。
奈何自古迄今。从未有发明者。仲景虽有伤寒论。然其法始自太阳。或传阳明。或传少阳。或三阳。竟自传胃。
盖为外感风寒而设。故其传法与温疫自是迥别。嗣后论之者纷纷。不止数十家。皆以伤寒为辞。其于温病证。而
甚略之。是以业医者。所记所诵。连篇累牍。俱系伤寒。及其临证。悉见温疫。求其真伤寒。百无一二。不知屠
龙之艺虽成。而无所施。未免指鹿为马矣。余初按诸家。咸谓春夏秋皆是温病。而伤寒必在冬时。然历年较之。
温疫四时皆有。及究伤寒。每至严寒。虽有头痛身疼。恶寒无汗发热。总似太阳证。至六七日失治。未尝传经。
每用发散之剂。一汗而解。间有不药亦自解者。并未尝因失汗。以致发黄谵语。狂乱胎刺等证。此皆感冒肤浅之
病。非真伤寒也。伤寒感冒。均系风寒。不无轻重之殊。究竟感冒居多。伤寒希有。况温疫与感受。有霄壤之隔。
今鹿马攸分。益见伤寒世所绝少。仲景以伤寒为急病。仓卒失治。多致伤生。因立论以济天下后世。用心可谓仁
矣。然伤寒与温疫。均急病也。以病之少者。尚谆谆告世。至温疫多于伤寒百倍。安忍反置勿论。或谓温疫
之证。仲景原别有方论。历年既久。兵火湮没。即伤寒论。乃称散亡之余。王叔和立方造论。谬称全书。温疫之
论。未必不由散亡也明矣。崇祯辛巳。疫气流行。山东浙省。南北两直。感者尤多。至五六月益甚。或至阖门传
染。始发之际。时师误以伤寒法治之。未尝见其不殆也。或病家误听七日当自愈。不尔十四日必瘳。因有失治不
及期而死者。亦有治之太晚。服药不及而死者。或有妄用峻剂。攻补失叙而死者。或遇医家见解不到。心疑胆怯。
以急病用缓药。虽不即受其害。然迁延而致死。比比皆是。所感之轻者。尚获侥幸。感之重者。更加失治。枉死
不可胜记。嗟乎。守古法不合今病。以今病简古书。不无明论。是以投剂不效。医者傍皇无措。病者日近危笃。
病愈急投药愈乱。不死于病。乃死于医。不死于医。乃死于圣经之遗亡也。吁。千载以来。何生民不幸如此。余
虽固陋。静心穷理。格其所感之气。所入之门。所受之处。及其传变之体。平日所用历验方法。详述于下。以俟
高明者正之。晋崇祯壬午仲秋。姑苏洞庭吴有性。
先着序曰。温疫为病至重也。昔鲜成书。方治阙如。明末有吴又可者。独能有见于此。着论二篇。反复推明。
谓与伤寒分途，制达原饮。以解其初起之邪。其所主用。惟在下之一法。甚有一下再下三下者。骤阅其论。人或
未免惊疑。然细按之。条分缕析。非凿空之谈。亦非孟浪之施也。惜其流布未广。知之者甚少。仪真刘子方舟业
医早成。心虚而好学，既获是编。向之有疑于中者。涣如冰释。因思重为锓板。以公诸同辈。知余喜论方书。特
出是编以相质。且索数言以弁之。夫温疫者。伤寒之别也。自有伤寒论以来。千数百年。尘埋榛塞。近人有稍知
讨论者。喻氏尚论篇。方氏程
氏前后条辨。其着者也。皆丑诋叔和。自矜所得。然皆误认三阴经之即是里。于三阴条下诸证治。未免回惑于心。
鲜所发明。喻氏剪辟之功有不诬，方氏程氏特乱多道。一时宗之者颇众。以致开口即云三阴。虽铄石流金之际。
出敢辄投姜附。遇有药之而效。此则别有所因。而医者居之不疑。自信愈笃。有识者但从旁窃悯之。今吴氏残编。
复出于斯时。意将有可救正之机欤。夫谓仲景不为温疫立论者。非也。谓仲景原有温疫方论。年久而失之者。亦
非也。昔王安道欲分伤寒论之半。以属直中。不知直中之病。虽危亡顷刻。然一于寒而无热。不似伤寒之传变倏
忽。安道但用以治直中而效耳。其实仲景不为直中立论也。喻氏医门法律中。易直中之名为中寒。亦知安道所矜
张者。盖是伤寒论外之一事耳。今吴氏之于温疫。可谓发挥无余蕴矣。然折衷而论。亦只是疫耳。温之一字。原
可不设。云瘟则赘疫。是疫则乱温。特从俗所称并举之。观其卷末正名之意。及论中后半。但称时疫。可见疫之
首尾。证虽多端。亦但是伤寒论中之一治。观其主用之方。不越于大小调胃三承气。而所引发热而渴不恶寒者温
病。则疫之纲领。已括于论之一条。讵能有出于仲景范围之外者，而更何憾于疫论之有无耶。凡伤于寒则为病
热。以其郁阳而为热。当其邪在皮毛。固是寒邪。传至于里。则纯为热邪矣。是以燔灼真阴。煎熬津液。不得已
而用下耳。而疫之始终为热者。与斯相类。但谓其邪伏于募原。初发即在半表里间。而兼有三阳证者。是其热淫
之气。浮越于三阳经。能显某经之病。当随某经。兼而治之。此则吴氏卓越之见。发前人之所未发。至云温疫二
三百人。才遇二三正伤寒。治正伤寒数百人。才遇二三真阴证。及乎误汗误下。屡汗屡下。绝证全见。此时峻补。尚恐
不及。而犹以补为戒。以参为虑。此则所见未达。在善读书者。自权衡之。使来者获奉斯编以从事。既知有冬月之正伤
寒。又知有三时之感冒。今复知有四时之疫气。与夫一岁之中。非其时而有其气。与至而太过不及者。皆能为病。既知
四时正令不病之春温。又知至而为病之春温。与冬不藏精。春必病温之温。而疫可连温之名。温决不即是疫。则晓了明
辨。左右应之而不眩。譬之泛海。已有针车。复何忧方向哉。
刘敞序略曰。明末吴又可先生以温疫一证。旧无成法。亦鲜明文。着论二卷。谓温疫与伤寒相类而分途。条分缕析。
详哉言之。余自束发。从事于医。开滚动多所疑。或质诸师友。或印诸古人之书。必得之释然而后快。后见此论。反复
玩味。知其灼有所见。可补前人之未逮。虽其中亦有矫枉过正。不能无疑者。如云临证悉见温疫。伤寒百无一二。又如
达原饮。以解初起之邪。遽用峻猛之药。似未可尽泥。然表裹先后。次第厘然。凡确信于心。以之如法施治。则即未有
不投之而立效者也。向有颠倒原文。窜以臆见。别立书名。拟为己有。则大失作者之用心矣。
吴仪洛曰。近吴又可瘟疫论。其治法与冬寒春温。夏秋暑热之治法无别。惟达原饮一方不同耳。然其所论疫邪在膜
原半表半里之间。殊为未确。故达原饮。亦非的对之方也。（伤寒分经）
四库全书提要曰。瘟疫论二卷。补遗一卷。明吴有性撰。有性字又可。震泽人。是书成于崇祯壬午。以四时不正之
气。发为瘟疫。其病与伤寒相似而迥殊。古书未能分别。乃着论以发明之。大抵谓伤寒自毫窍。而入中脉络。从表入
里。故其传经有六。自阳至阴。而以次而深。瘟疫自口鼻而入。伏于募原。其邪在不表不里之间。其传变有九。
或表。或里。各自为病。有但表而不里者。有表而再表者。有但里而不表者。有里而再里者。有表里分传者。有
表里分传，而再分传者。有表胜于里者。有先表而后里者。有先里而后表者。其间有与伤寒相反十一事。又有变
证兼证。种种不同。并着论制方。一一辨别。其显然易见者。则脉在不伏不沉之间。中取之乃见。舌必有苔。初
则白。甚则黄。太甚则黑而芒刺也。其谓数百瘟疫之中。乃偶有一伤寒。数百伤寒之中。乃偶有一阴证。未免矫
枉过直。然古人以瘟疫为杂证。医书往往附见。不立专门。又或误解素问冬伤于寒。春必病温之文。妄施治疗。
有性因崇祯辛巳。南北直隶。山东浙江大疫。以伤寒法治之不效。乃推究病源。参稽医案。着为此害。瘟疫一证。
始有绳墨之可守。亦可谓有功于世矣。其书不甚诠次。似随笔札录而成。今姑存其旧。共下卷劳复食后条中。载
安神养血汤。小儿时疫条中。载太极丸。并有方而无药。又疫痢兼证一条。亦有录而无书。故别为补遗于末。又
正名一篇。伤寒例正误一篇。诸家瘟疫正误一篇。原目不载。盖成书以后所续入。今亦并录为一卷。成完书焉。
〔刘氏（奎）瘟疫论类编〕五卷 存
自序曰。宇宙之大。皆气之所鼓铸也。而气之为气各殊焉。一阴一阳曰二气。风寒暑湿燥火为六气。映明
出霄则有九气。旋转乾坤者。更有二十四气。夫气虽多端。然皆有名可稽。有义可寻也。独至于温疫。乃天地之
厉气。不得以迹求。未许以数测。其来也莫识其源。其去也难竟其所。人感之。近则沿门阖户未之逃。远则城市
乡遂无克获免。是病之
为害于人者。莫温疫若也。张长沙伤寒论一书。原非为治瘟疫而设。第人以瘟疫证候。有类伤寒。故往往以治伤
寒之法治之。即有心知其未稳者。亦不过于麻桂青龙等汤中。加以凉药而止。然究之不离乎温散者近是。而终亦
未得治瘟疫之肯綮焉。千百年来。贻害非浅。自吴又可先生出。始分伤寒瘟疫为两途。谓瘟邪自口鼻而入。伏于
膜原。不宜汗散。初起用达原饮为主方。而随经加减。析理精详。又佐以十传治法。神明而变通之。更着为伟论
厘新方。独辟蚕丛。力排误说。则是有伤寒论于前。不可无瘟疫论于后。洵堪方驾长沙。而鼎足卢扁。功垂万世。
当为又可先生首屈一指矣。余读是书有年。观其识见高明。议论精卓。其于治瘟症。诚无间然矣。但嫌其叙次乱
杂。前后倒置。不便观览。且行文详略。未能合宜。字句多所疵 。意或当时初脱之稿。未经订正。故丛脞如此。
因命子秉锦分别而类叙之。析为五卷。曰诸论。曰统治。曰杂症。曰提要。曰正误。取名温疫论类编。更参以管
见。加之评释。删厥繁芜。补其罅漏。俾后学之诵习。可一目而豁如。作者之心思。可昭然而若揭。虽未能如成
喻等之表章仲景。而亦未可谓非读瘟疫论者之一助也。是为序。时乾隆五十五年。岁次庚戌季夏刘奎松峰书。
刘嗣宗序略曰。盖闻莫为之后。虽圣弗传。仲景伤寒论一书。赖有诸家注释。而作者之心思。始大白于世。
第伤寒患者绝少。唯瘟疫岁岁不断。其难疗也。更甚于伤寒。但业岐黄家。鲜有深造其域者。自吴又可先生出。
始着瘟疫论一书。释千古之疑。泄乾坤之秘。洵堪方驾长沙矣。第举世习闻冬伤于寒。春必病温等说。其于又可
之论。未必不疑信参半也。吾友松峰山人起而表章之。分为五门。加之评释。取
名瘟疫论类编。真足以豁习者之目。而传作者之心。其有功于又可。有功于天下后世。为何如哉。而山人平居之
抱负。更有不尽于是者。余游东武四十余年。与山人昆仲交最深。故知之最悉。山人赋性仁慈。与世无忤。为善
唯日不足。抱不羁之才。读书目下十行。而又手不释卷。少随厥祖青岑公方伯西川。又随父引岚公分守保郡。间
关万里。晋接名贤。故其诗文。颇具奇气。医道多所师承。后引岚公捐馆官署。山人遭遇坎 。恬然自若。绝不
一介于怀。自幼不利场屋。入闱辄病。虽力疾草率为文而已。能屡蒙荐取。第信天安命。中年即不赴公车。惟以
登山临水。师友圣贤为事。厥后其兄石庵公督学江左。携之俱往。而所学益进。伊芳时山人胞叔太傅相国文正公在
朝。侍侧者止有犹子松崦一人。石庵随将山人。送至京邸。冀其同登云路。并点朝班。居无何而山人以病返里。
优游于马耳常山之间。以诗酒文章自怡悦。闭户读书。不作仕进计。更精于医学。志在救人。不邀财贿。窭人野
老。尤所关心。与其子秉锦终岁研穷灵素。探索元微。着有松峰说疫。濯西救急简方。行世。又有所着景岳全
书节文。四大家医粹。松峰医话等书。尚未脱稿。吾闻之。其上者立德。其次则立功。其次则立言。若山人者。
可谓兼而有之矣。
〔舒氏（诏）摘录瘟疫论〕一卷 存
〔刘氏（奎）松峰说疫〕六卷 存
自序曰。伤寒之不明也。以中寒乱之。瘟疫之不明也。以伤寒乱之。能于其中。划然分析。则其于治伤寒
瘟疫也。思过半矣。伤寒自仲景而下。承承继继。各有专家。着书立说者。无虑数十种。独至瘟疫。则略而不讲
焉。间有谈及
者。不过寥寥数语。核焉而不精。语焉而不详。遂致瘟疫一证。靡所指归。往往以治伤寒法治之。非大用温散。
即过投苦寒。欲病之愈也难矣。光大人引岚公一生精于医理。南北宦游。虽簿书鞅掌间。闻人疾苦。莫不竭力拯
救。余恭聆庭训。非伊芳朝夕。且龆年善病。因得于暇日取家藏岐黄书纵观之。故颇有会心处。因念瘟疫一门。非
他证可比。不能迟之岁月。缓为调理。其见效在一二剂之内。其痊愈在三五日之间。不可不亟为讲究。以共登宝
筏。昔吴又可瘟疫论一书。较之诸家。俱见卓识。独辟蚕丛。业已盛行海内。故其方论。兹集一概不录。第就自
所经历者。聊纾管见。以羽翼又可。当亦谈疫者之所不斥也。夫疫病所包甚广。而瘟疫特其一耳。又添杂疫寒疫。
各着方论。而证治始备。随编辑酌定。分为六卷。曰述古。曰论治。曰杂疫。曰辨疑。曰诸方。曰运气。亦庶几
【吴氏（有性）《温疫论》】二卷 存留
自序说：那温疫这种病，不是风邪，不是寒邪，不是暑邪，也不是湿邪，而是天地间另外有一种异气所感染。它的传变有九种途径，这是治疗瘟疫的关键关节。
为何从古至今，从未有人阐明过这一点。张仲景虽然有《伤寒论》，但他的方法起始于太阳经，或者传入阳明经，或者传入少阳经，或者三阳经，最终直接传入胃腑。
这大概是为了外感风寒而设立的。所以它的传变方法与温疫自然是截然不同的。此后讨论的人纷纷扰扰，不止几十家，都拿伤寒作为借口，对于温病的证候，却非常简略地提及。因此从事医疗工作的人，所记忆和诵读的，连篇累牍，全都是关于伤寒的内容。等到他们面对临床实际病例时，见到的全是温疫。想要找到真正的伤寒病人，一百个里面也找不到一两个。不知道屠龙的技术虽然学成，却没有地方施展，未免指鹿为马了。我起初查阅各家学说，都说春夏秋都是温病，而伤寒一定发生在冬季。然而经过多年比较，发现温疫四季都有。至于探究伤寒，每当到了严寒时节，虽然有头痛身疼、恶寒无汗发热等症状，总体看起来像是太阳病（太阳经受邪所致的病证）。到了六七天如果失治，也未曾发生传经现象。每次使用发散的药物，出一身汗就解除了。间或有不服药也自行痊愈的，也未曾因为没发汗，而导致发黄、谵语、狂乱、胎刺等证候。这些都是感冒肤浅的病，不是真正的伤寒。伤寒和感冒，都属于风寒，没有轻重之分。归根结底，感冒居多，伤寒稀少。况且温疫与感受风寒，有着天壤之别。现在鹿和马已经区分清楚了，越发可见伤寒在世间绝少。张仲景把伤寒当作急病，仓促之间失治，多导致伤人性命，因此立论来救济天下后世，用心可谓仁爱啊。然而伤寒与温疫，都是急病。以病少的伤寒，还谆谆告诫世人，至于温疫比伤寒多百倍，怎么忍心反而搁置不讨论呢？有人说温疫的证候，张仲景原本另有方论，年代久远，兵火湮没，即使《伤寒论》，也是散亡之余，王叔和立方造论，谬称是全书，温疫的论述，未必不是由于散亡造成的，这也很明显了。崇祯辛巳年，疫气流行，山东、浙江两省，南北两直隶，感染的人尤其多。到了五六月更加严重，甚至到全家互相传染。刚开始发病的时候，当时的医生错误地用治疗伤寒的方法去治疗，未见有不危险的。有的病人家属误听七日应当自愈，不然十四日必定痊愈，因此有失治不及期而死的。也有治疗太晚，服药来不及而死的。有的胡乱使用峻猛药剂，攻补失去次序而死的。有的遇到医家见解不到，心里怀疑胆怯，对急病用缓药，虽然不立即受害，然而拖延致死，比比皆是。感染轻的，尚且获得侥幸，感染重的，再加上失治，枉死不可胜数。唉！遵守古法不合乎今天的病症，用今天的病症去简化古书，不无明确的论述，因此投药无效，医生彷徨无措，病人日益接近危重笃定。病越急，投药越乱，不死于病，乃死于医；不死于医，乃死于圣经的遗亡啊。吁！千载以来，何生民不幸如此。我虽然固执鄙陋，静心穷究道理，推究他所感的什么气，进入的门径，受邪的部位，以及它传变的规律，平日所用历经验证的方法，详细叙述在下面，以等待高明者纠正。晋朝崇祯壬午年仲秋，姑苏洞庭吴有性。
先着序说：温疫这种病非常严重。过去很少有成书，治疗方法缺失。明末有个叫吴又可的人，唯独能对此有见解，著论两篇，反复推演阐明，认为与伤寒分道扬镳，制定达原饮，以解除初起的邪气。他所主张使用的，只在“下”这一法，甚至有下两次、下三次的。乍看他的论述，人们或许难免惊疑。然而仔细推敲，条分缕析，不是凭空之谈，也不是鲁莽的实施。可惜其流传不广，知道的人很少。仪真刘子方舟早年行医已有成就，虚心好学，既然得到这本书，之前心中有的疑惑，像冰融化一样消散。于是想着重新刻印，以公之于同辈。知道我喜爱讨论方书，特意拿出这本书来质询，并且索要几句话作为序言。那温疫，是伤寒的分支。自从有了《伤寒论》以来，千数百年，尘埋榛塞，近代人有稍微懂得讨论的，喻嘉言的《尚论篇》，方有执、程郊倩前后的条辨，是比较著名的。都丑诋毁王叔和，自夸所得。然而都错误地认为三阴经就是里证，在三阴条下的各种证治，未免心中困惑，很少有发明。喻嘉言剪除辟谬的功劳是不虚假的，方有执、程郊倩特别混乱多道，一时宗奉的人颇众，以致开口就说三阴，即使在铄石流金的酷暑之际，也敢轻易投用姜附。遇到用药而有效的，这则是别有所因，而医者心安理得，自信愈发坚定。有见识的人只是从旁边暗自怜悯他。如今吴氏残编，又在这个时候出现，意思是有可以救正的机会吗？说张仲景不为温疫立论，是不对的。说张仲景原有温疫方论，年代久远而失传的，也不对。以前王安道想把《伤寒论》的一半，归属于直中，不知道直中的病，虽然危急死亡在顷刻之间，然而纯寒而无热，不像伤寒的传变倏忽变化。安道只用来治疗直中而有效罢了。其实张仲景不为直中立论。喻嘉言《医门法律》中，把直中的名字改为中寒，也知道安道所夸张的，大概是《伤寒论》外的一件事罢了。如今吴氏对于温疫，可以说是发挥无余蕴了。然而折衷而论，也只是疫罢了。“温”这个字，原来可以不设。说瘟则赘余于疫，说疫则扰乱了温，特从俗称为并举的。看他在卷末正名的意思，以及论中后半部分，只称时疫，可见疫的首尾，证候虽然多端，也只是《伤寒论》中的一种治法。看他主要使用的方剂，不出于小承气汤、大承气汤、调胃承气汤的范围，而他所引发的热而渴不恶寒的是温病，那么疫的纲领，已经概括在论的一条之中。难道能有超出张仲景范围之外的吗？而对于疫论的有无又有什么遗憾呢。凡是伤于寒则为病热，因为它郁积阳气而为热。当邪气在皮毛，固然是寒邪，传变至于里，则纯为热邪了。因此燔灼真阴，煎熬津液，不得已而用下法。而疫的始终为热的，与此相似。只是说邪气潜伏于募原，初发即在半表半里之间，而兼有三阳证的，是其热淫之气，浮越于三阳经，能显现某经的病，应当随某经，兼而治之。这则是吴氏卓越的见解，发出前人所未发出的。至于说温疫二三百人，才遇到二三个真正伤寒的，治疗正伤寒数百人，才遇到二三个真阴证的，以及误汗误下，屡汗屡下，绝证全见，此时峻补，尚恐来不及，而仍然以补为戒，以人参为虑，这则是所见未通达，在善于读书的人，自然权衡它。使后来者获得奉读这本书来从事，既知道有冬天的正伤寒，又知道有三时的感冒，如今又知道有四时的疫气，以及一岁之中，非其时而有其气，与至而太过不及的，都能成为病。既知道四时正令不病的春温，又知道至而为病的春温，与冬不藏精，春必病温的温，而疫可以连着温的名字，温决不即是疫，那么晓了明辨，左右应之而不眩惑。譬如泛海，已有针车，还有什么担忧方向的呢。
刘敞序略说：明末吴又可先生以温疫一证，旧无成法，也没有鲜明的文章，著论二卷，说温疫与伤寒相类似而分途，条分缕析，详细地说它。我从束发开始，从事于医学，开滚动（推测为“开卷”或特定语境词，此处依原文保留意译倾向）多有疑惑。有时向师友请教，有时印证于古人的书，必须得到释然后后才痛快。后来看到这篇论，反复玩味，知道他有确切的见解，可以弥补前人的不足。虽然其中也有矫枉过正，不能没有疑问的地方。比如他说临证悉见温疫，伤寒百无一二。又如达原饮，以解除初起的邪气，遽然使用峻猛的药物，似乎不能完全拘泥。然而表里先后，次第清晰。凡是确信于心，按照这种方法施治，那么即使没有不投药而立竿见影的。先前有颠倒原文，窜改以臆见，另立书名，拟为己有，则大大失掉作者的用心了。
吴仪洛说：近来吴又可《瘟疫论》，其治法与冬寒春温、夏秋暑热的治法没有区别，只有达原饮一方不同罢了。然而他所论述的疫邪在膜原半表半里之间，殊为不准确。所以达原饮，也不是对症的方剂。（出自《伤寒分经》）
《四库全书提要》说：《瘟疫论》二卷，补遗一卷，明吴有性撰。有性字又可，震泽人。这本书完成于崇祯壬午年，以四时不正之气，发为瘟疫，其病与伤寒相似而迥然不同。古书未能分别，于是著论以阐明它。大体认为伤寒自毫窍而入，中脉络，从表入里，所以它的传经有六种，自阳至阴，而以次而深。瘟疫自口鼻而入，伏于募原，其邪在不表不里之间，其传变有九种。或者表，或者里，各自为病，有但表而不里的，有表而再表的，有但里而不表的，有里而再里的，有表里分传的，有表里分传而再分传的，有表胜于里的，有先表而后里的，有先里而后表的。其间有与伤寒相反的十一件事，又有变证兼证，种种不同，并著论制方，一一辨别。其显然易见的，则脉在不伏不沉之间，中取之乃见，舌必有苔，初则白，甚则黄，太甚则黑而芒刺。他说数百瘟疫之中，乃偶有一伤寒，数百伤寒之中，乃偶有一阴证，未免矫枉过直。然而古人以瘟疫为杂证，医书往往附见，不立专门。又或误解《素问》“冬伤于寒，春必病温”的文句，妄施治疗。吴有性因为崇祯辛巳年，南北直隶，山东浙江大疫，以伤寒法治之不效，于是推究病源，参稽医案，著为此害。瘟疫一证，始有绳墨之可守，也可以说有功于世了。他的书不太讲究编排次序，似乎是随笔札录而成。现在姑且存其旧貌。共下卷劳复食后条中，记载安神养血汤，小儿时疫条中，记载太极丸，并有方而无药。又疫痢兼证一条，也有录而无书。所以别为补遗于末尾。又正名一篇，伤寒例正误一篇，诸家瘟疫正误一篇，原目不载，大概是成书以后所续入。现在也一并录入为一卷，成为完书。
〔刘氏（奎）《瘟疫论类编》〕五卷 存留
自序说：宇宙之大，都是气所鼓铸的。而气之为气各不相同。一阴一阳叫做二气，风寒暑湿燥火叫做六气，映明出霄则有九气，旋转乾坤者，更有二十四气。那气虽然多端，然而都有名可查考，有义可寻索。唯独至于温疫，乃是天地之厉气，不得以迹求，未许以数测。它来的时候没有人认识它的源头，它走的时候也难以穷尽它的去向。人感染了它，近的则沿门阖户没有逃掉的，远的则城市乡遂没有能够免于感染的。这病对于人的危害，没有比温疫更严重的了。张长沙《伤寒论》一书，原本不是为了治疗瘟疫而设立的。只是人们以瘟疫证候，类似于伤寒，所以往往用治疗伤寒的方法来治疗它。即使有心知它不稳妥的，也不过是在麻黄汤、桂枝汤、青龙汤等方剂中，加入凉药而已。然而究其根本，不离乎温散的接近正确，而终究也未得到治疗瘟疫的关键所在。千百年来，贻害非浅。自从吴又可先生出来，才开始把伤寒瘟疫分为两途，说瘟邪自口鼻而入，伏于膜原，不宜汗散，初起用达原饮为主方，而随经加减，析理精详。又佐以十传治法，神明而变通之，更著为伟论厘新方，独辟蚕丛，力排误说。那么是有《伤寒论》于前，不可无《瘟疫论》于后，确实可以匹敌长沙，而鼎足卢扁，功垂万世。应当为又可先生首屈一指了。我读这本书有年了，观其识见高明，议论精卓，他对于治瘟症，确实没有瑕疵了。只是嫌其叙次乱杂，前后倒置，不便观览。而且行文详略，未能合宜，字句多有瑕疵，意思或许是当时初脱之稿，未经订正，所以丛脞如此。于是命令儿子秉锦分别而类叙之，析为五卷，曰诸论，曰统治，曰杂症，曰提要，曰正误，取名《温疫论类编》，更参以管见，加之评释，删厥繁芜，补其罅漏，使后学之诵习，可一目而豁然开朗。作者的心思，可昭然而若揭。虽然未能如成、喻等人之表章仲景，而也不能说不读《瘟疫论》者的一个帮助。这是序。时乾隆五十五年，岁次庚戌季夏刘奎松峰书。
刘嗣宗序略说：听说莫为之后，虽圣弗传。张仲景《伤寒论》一书，赖有诸家注释，而作者的心思，始大白于世。只是伤寒患者绝少，唯瘟疫岁岁不断。它的难疗，更甚于伤寒。只是业岐黄家，鲜有深造其域者。自从吴又可先生出来，始著《瘟疫论》一书，释千古之疑，泄乾坤之秘，确实可以匹敌长沙。只是举世习闻“冬伤于寒，春必病温”等说法，他对于又可的论，未必不疑信参半。我的朋友松峰山人起来表章它，分为五门，加之评释，取名《瘟疫论类编》，真足以豁习者之目，而传作者之心。他对于又可，对于天下后世，有什么功德呢？而山人平居的抱负，更有不尽于此的。我游东武四十余年，与山人昆仲交最深，所以知之最悉。山人赋性仁慈，与世无忤，为善唯日不足，抱不羁之才，读书目下十行，而又手不释卷。少年跟随祖父青岑公方伯西川，又跟随父亲引岚公分守保郡，间关万里，晋接名贤，所以他的诗文，颇具奇气。医道多所师承。后来引岚公捐馆官署，山人遭遇坎坷，恬然自若，绝不一介于怀。自幼不利场屋，入闱辄病，虽力疾草率为文而已，能屡蒙荐取。只是信天安命，中年即不赴公车，惟以登山临水，师友圣贤为事。其后他的兄长石庵公督学江左，携之俱往，而所学益进。伊芳时山人胞叔太傅相国文正公在朝，侍侧者止有犹子松崦一人。石庵随将山人，送至京邸，冀其同登云路，并点朝班。居无何而山人以病返里，优游于马耳常山之间，以诗酒文章自怡悦，闭户读书，不作仕进计，更精于医学，志在救人，不邀财贿，窭人野老，尤所关心。与其子秉锦终岁研穷灵素，探索元微，著有《松峰说疫》、《濯西救急简方》，行世。又有所著《景岳全书节文》、《四大家医粹》、《松峰医话》等书，尚未脱稿。我听说，其上者立德，其次则立功，其次则立言。若山人者，可谓兼而有之矣。
〔舒氏（诏）《摘录瘟疫论》〕一卷 存留
〔刘氏（奎）《松峰说疫》〕六卷 存留
自序说：伤寒的不明白，是因为中寒扰乱了它。瘟疫的不明白，是因为伤寒扰乱了它。能于其中，划然分析，那么他对于治伤寒瘟疫，思过半矣。伤寒自仲景而下，承承继继，各有专家，著书立说者，无虑数十种。唯独至于瘟疫，则略而不讲焉。间有谈及的，不过寥寥数语，核焉而不精，语焉而不详。遂致瘟疫一证，靡所指归，往往以治伤寒法治之。非大用温散，即过投苦寒，欲病之愈也难矣。光大人引岚公一生精于医理，南北宦游，虽簿书鞅掌间，闻人疾苦，莫不竭力拯救。我恭聆庭训，非伊芳朝夕，且龆年善病，因得于暇日取家藏岐黄书纵观之。故颇有会心处。因念瘟疫一门，非他证可比，不能迟之岁月，缓为调理。其见效在一二剂之内，其痊愈在三五日之间，不可不亟为讲究，以共登宝筏。昔吴又可《瘟疫论》一书，较之诸家，俱见卓识，独辟蚕丛，业已盛行海内。故其方论，兹集一概不录。第就自己所经历者，聊纾管见，以羽翼又可，当亦谈疫者之所不斥也。夫疫病所包甚广，而瘟疫特其一耳。又添杂疫寒疫，各著方论，而证治始备。随编辑酌定，分为六卷，曰述古，曰论治，曰杂疫，曰辨疑，曰诸方，曰运气，亦庶几
[Wu Shi (Youxing) *Treatise on Warm Epidemics*] Two volumes. Extant.
Preface by the author states: The disease of warm epidemic is not caused by wind pathogen, nor cold pathogen, nor summerheat pathogen, nor dampness pathogen. It is contracted from a specific "abnormal qi" existing in heaven and earth. Its transmission follows nine pathways, which constitutes the critical juncture in treating epidemics.
Why has no one elucidated this point since ancient times until now? Although Zhang Zhongjing possessed the *Treatise on Cold Damage* (*Shanghan Lun*), his methods begin with the Taiyang channel, or transmit to the Yangming channel, or to the Shaoyang channel, or all three yang channels eventually transmit directly to the Stomach organ. This was presumably established for external contraction of wind-cold. Therefore, its transmission method is inherently distinct from that of warm epidemics. Subsequent discussants were numerous, exceeding dozens of schools, all using cold damage as their reference, while giving scant attention to the syndromes of warm diseases. Consequently, medical practitioners memorized and recited voluminous texts entirely concerning cold damage. Yet when facing clinical cases, they invariably encountered warm epidemics. Seeking a true case of cold damage among hundreds would yield less than one or two. It is akin to mastering the art of slaying dragons but having no place to apply it; such confusion amounts to calling a deer a horse. Initially, I reviewed various theories, which claimed that warm diseases occur in spring, summer, and autumn, whereas cold damage occurs only in winter. However, through years of comparison, I found that warm epidemics occur in all four seasons. Regarding cold damage, even during severe cold, although symptoms like headache, body ache, aversion to cold, anhidrosis, and fever resemble Taiyang syndrome, if left untreated for six or seven days, channel transmission rarely occurs. Using dispersing agents usually resolves the condition with a single sweat. Occasionally, patients recover spontaneously without medication. Such conditions never result in jaundice, delirium, mania, or fetal prickles due to lack of sweating. These are superficial colds, not true cold damage. Both cold damage and common colds involve wind-cold, differing only in severity. Ultimately, common colds are frequent, while true cold damage is rare. Moreover, warm epidemics differ vastly from simple wind-cold contraction. Now that the distinction between deer and horse is clear, it becomes evident that cold damage is extremely rare in the world. Zhang Zhongjing regarded cold damage as an acute disease; failure to treat it promptly often led to death. Thus, he formulated theories to benefit future generations, showing great benevolence. However, both cold damage and warm epidemics are acute diseases. If he earnestly warned about the rarer cold damage, how could he neglect the far more prevalent warm epidemics, which outnumber cold damages by a hundredfold? Some argue that Zhang Zhongjing originally had separate treatises on warm epidemics, but these were lost over time due to wars and fires. Even the *Treatise on Cold Damage* we have today is merely a fragment reconstructed by Wang Shuhe, who fabricated theories and falsely claimed it as the complete work. It is obvious that treatises on warm epidemics may also have been lost. In the Xinsi year of the Chongzhen era, epidemic qi spread widely. Shandong and Zhejiang provinces, along with the Northern and Southern Directly Governed Regions, were heavily affected. By the fifth and sixth lunar months, the situation worsened, with entire households infecting each other. At the onset, contemporary physicians mistakenly treated these cases using cold damage protocols, resulting in danger. Some families believed the saying "seven days for self-healing, fourteen days for recovery," leading to deaths due to delayed treatment. Others died because treatment was too late or medication arrived too late. Some were killed by reckless use of harsh purgatives or improper tonification. Physicians lacking insight, filled with doubt and fear, used mild remedies for acute conditions. Though not immediately fatal, delays often proved lethal. Such cases were ubiquitous. Mild infections might survive by luck, but severe ones, compounded by mismanagement, resulted in countless unjust deaths. Alas! Adhering to ancient methods fails to address contemporary diseases. Simplifying modern illnesses into ancient texts ignores clear explanations, leading to ineffective prescriptions. Physicians become bewildered, patients deteriorate rapidly. The sicker the patient, the more chaotic the treatment. Patients die not from the disease, but from medical error; not from medical error, but from the loss of canonical wisdom. Sigh! For a thousand years, why has the people's fortune been so unfortunate? Although I am stubborn and unrefined, I calmly investigated the principles, analyzing the nature of the contracted qi, the entry portal, the location of infection, and the patterns of transmission. Below, I detail my empirically verified methods for review by experts. Written in mid-autumn of the Renwu year of Chongzhen, Wu Youxing of Dongting, Gusu.
Xian Zhuo's Preface states: Warm epidemics are severe diseases. Historically, few books existed, and treatment methods were absent. In the late Ming Dynasty, Wu Youke (Youxing) uniquely recognized this issue, writing two treatises that repeatedly clarified the distinction between warm epidemics and cold damage. He formulated *Dayuan Yin* (Origin-Reaching Decoction) to resolve early-stage pathogens. His primary approach relied on purgation ("xia"), sometimes requiring multiple purgations. At first glance, his arguments might seem startling. However, upon careful examination, they are logical and well-analyzed, not baseless speculation or rash practice. Unfortunately, the book did not circulate widely, and few knew of it. Liu Fangzhou from Yizhen, an experienced physician known for his humility and love of learning, acquired this manuscript. His previous doubts melted away like ice. He decided to reprint it for colleagues who know my interest in formula discussions. He presented this book to me for critique and requested a preface. Warm epidemics are a branch distinct from cold damage. Since the advent of the *Treatise on Cold Damage*, spanning thousands of years, knowledge lay dormant. Recent scholars like Yu Jia Yan (*Shanglun Pian*) and Fang Youzhi, Cheng Jiaoqian (*Tiaobian*) made notable contributions but unfairly criticized Wang Shuhe and boasted of their own insights. They erroneously equated the Three Yin channels with interior syndromes, causing confusion in treating associated symptoms. While Yu Jia Yan's corrective efforts were valid, Fang and Cheng's works were often confusing. Their influence led many to indiscriminately diagnose "Three Yin" conditions, even prescribing ginger and aconite during extreme heat, occasionally achieving success due to coincidental factors, reinforcing physicians' false confidence. Observers pitied this ignorance. Now, Wu's fragmented work reappears, offering hope for correction. To claim Zhang Zhongjing did not write on warm epidemics is incorrect. To claim his original treatises were lost is also incorrect. Previously, Wang Andao attempted to assign half of the *Treatise on Cold Damage* to "direct invasion" (Zhizhong). However, direct invasion, though rapidly fatal, involves pure cold without heat, unlike the rapid transmission of cold damage. Wang Andao successfully treated direct invasion but did not establish a theory for it in the original text. Yu Jia Yan renamed "direct invasion" to "cold invasion" in *Yi Men Fa Lv*, acknowledging it as an exception outside the main scope. Wu's exposition on warm epidemics is exhaustive. However, analytically, it is simply "epidemic." The term "warm" is arguably redundant. "Wen" (warm) and "Yi" (epidemic) are often coupled colloquially. Wu himself refers to "seasonal epidemics" later in the text. The syndromes, though varied, fall within the therapeutic scope of the *Treatise on Cold Damage*. His main formulas—*Xiao Chengqi Tang* (Minor Order the Yellow Decoction), *Da Chengqi Tang* (Major Order the Yellow Decoction), and *Tiaowei Chengqi Tang* (Regulate the Stomach Order the Yellow Decoction)—confirm this. The principle that "heat with thirst and no aversion to cold" defines warm disease encompasses the essence of epidemic theory. Thus, nothing lies outside Zhang Zhongjing's framework, rendering debates on the existence of a separate epidemic treatise moot. Injury by cold generates heat pathology due to yang stagnation. Initially, the pathogen is cold at the skin and hair; upon transmitting inward, it becomes purely heat, consuming yin fluids, necessitating purgation. Similarly, epidemics remain heat throughout. However, Wu posits that the pathogen hides in the "Moyuan" (Omental Origin), emerging initially in the semi-exterior/semi-interior space, involving the Three Yang channels. The excessive heat qi floats to the Yang channels, manifesting specific channel symptoms, requiring concurrent treatment. This is Wu's innovative insight. He noted that among hundreds of epidemic cases, only a few were true cold damage; among hundreds of cold damage cases, only a few were true yin deficiency. Misuse of sweating and purging led to critical conditions where urgent tonification was needed, yet Wu cautioned against it. This view lacks depth. Readers should weigh this carefully. May future practitioners learn of winter cold damage, seasonal colds, and four-season epidemics, including abnormal climatic influences. Distinguishing between normal spring warmth and pathological spring warmth, and understanding that "warm" does not equal "epidemic," will clarify diagnosis. Like navigating the sea with a compass, direction becomes certain.
Liu Chang's Brief Preface states: In the late Ming, Mr. Wu Youke addressed warm epidemics, for which no established methods existed. He wrote two volumes, distinguishing epidemics from similar cold damage syndromes with detailed analysis. Since my youth, studying medicine, I encountered many doubts, resolved by consulting teachers or ancient texts. Reading Wu's treatise, I appreciated its profound insights,弥补ing predecessors' omissions. Although some points, such as claiming epidemics vastly outnumber cold damage or using harsh drugs like *Dayuan Yin* early on, seem exaggerated, the sequence of exterior-interior treatment is clear. Faithful application yields immediate results. Altering the original text to claim ownership betrays the author's intent.
Wu Yiluo states: Wu Youke's *Treatise on Plague* differs little from treatments for winter cold, spring warmth, or summer-autumn summerheat, except for *Dayuan Yin*. However, his assertion that plague pathogens reside in the Moyuan (semi-exterior/semi-interior) is inaccurate. Thus, *Dayuan Yin* is not the precise remedy. (From *Shanghan Fen Jing*)
*Synopsis of the Complete Library of Four Treasuries* states: *Treatise on Plague*, two volumes, plus one volume of supplements, written by Wu Youxing (courtesy name Youke) of Zhenze during the Chongzhen Renwu year. He observed that abnormal qi of the four seasons causes plagues, resembling but distinct from cold damage, which ancient texts failed to differentiate. He theorized that cold damage enters via hair pores and meridians, progressing from exterior to interior through six stages (Yang to Yin). Plague enters via mouth and nose, hiding in the Moyuan (neither fully exterior nor interior), with nine transmission patterns: exterior-only, repeated exterior, interior-only, repeated interior, simultaneous exterior-interior, repeated split transmission, exterior-dominant, exterior-first-then-interior, and interior-first-then-exterior. Eleven aspects contradict cold damage. Visible signs include pulses neither floating nor sunken, visible upon moderate pressure, and tongue coating changing from white to yellow to black with prickles. Wu's claim that plagues rarely resemble cold damage and vice versa is an overcorrection. Ancient texts treated plagues as miscellaneous disorders without specialized focus, often misinterpreting *Suwen*'s "winter cold leads to spring warmth." Wu, witnessing the massive plague in Chongzhen Xinsi across northern and southern regions, rejected cold damage treatments, investigated sources, and compiled this work, establishing standards for plague treatment. The book appears loosely organized, likely notes compiled over time. Supplements include formulas like *Anshen Yangxue Tang* and *Taiji Wan*, listed without ingredients, and textual corrections added post-completion, forming a complete volume.
[Liu Kui's *Classified Compilation of Treatise on Warm Epidemics*] Five volumes. Extant.
Preface states: The universe is shaped by qi, varying in type: Yin-Yang (two qi), Wind-Cold-Summerheat-Dampness-Dryness-Fire (six qi), etc. However, warm epidemics are "malignant qi" of heaven and earth, unpredictable by observation or calculation. They spread rapidly, affecting households and communities indiscriminately. Their harm is unparalleled. Zhang Zhongjing's *Treatise on Cold Damage* was not designed for epidemics. People mistakenly applied cold damage treatments, adding cooling herbs to formulas like *Mahuang Tang* or *Qinglong Tang*, relying on warming dispersals, missing the key to epidemic treatment. This caused centuries of harm. Wu Youke distinguished epidemics from cold damage, identifying oral/nasal entry and Moyuan residence, advising against sweating and recommending *Dayuan Yin*. His "Ten Transmissions" theory offered flexible solutions. His work rivals Zhang Zhongjing's. I read this book for years, admiring its high insights. However, the organization is chaotic, and the text has flaws, likely an unpublished draft. I instructed my son Bingjin to classify and edit it into five volumes: Theories, General Treatment, Miscellaneous Syndromes, Key Points, and Corrections. Adding my comments and removing redundancies, I aim to aid students. Though not elevating Zhang Zhongjing like Cheng or Yu, it assists readers of the *Plague Treatise*. Written in summer of Gengxu year, Qianlong 55, by Liu Kui (Songfeng).
Liu Sizong's Brief Preface states: Without successors, even sages cannot transmit. Zhang Zhongjing's work survived through commentaries. Cold damage is rare; epidemics persist yearly, being harder to treat. Few masters excel in this field. Wu Youke's *Plague Treatise* resolved ancient doubts. However, public belief in "winter cold leads to spring warmth" creates skepticism. My friend Songfeng Shanren classified and annotated the work, clarifying it for learners. His merits to Wu and posterity are immense. Shanren is benevolent, talented, and scholarly. He traveled extensively with his grandfather and father, meeting sages. After his father's death, he faced adversity calmly, avoiding official careers to focus on mountains, rivers, and medicine. He studied with his son Bingjin, writing *Songfeng Shuo Yi* and others. He embodies virtue, achievement, and words.
[Shu Zhao's *Excerpts from Treatise on Plague*] One volume. Extant.
[Liu Kui's *Songfeng Shuo Yi*] Six volumes. Extant.
Preface states: Confusion in cold damage arises from mixing with direct cold invasion; confusion in epidemics arises from mixing with cold damage. Clear distinction aids treatment. Post-Zhang Zhongjing, many specialized in cold damage, ignoring epidemics. Discussions were brief and imprecise, leading to misuse of warming dispersals or bitter colds. My father, Yinlan Gong, was skilled in medicine, saving lives despite busy official duties. Hearing his teachings and suffering illness myself, I studied ancient texts. Epidemics require urgent care, resolving in days. Wu Youke's *Plague Treatise* is excellent but I record only my experiences to supplement him. Disease includes various types; I added mixed and cold epidemics with formulas. Divided into six volumes: Antiquity, Treatment Theory, Mixed Epidemics, Doubts, Formulas, and Luck/Qi.