〔成氏（无己）注解伤寒论〕（旧讹作图解。）国史经籍志十卷 存
严器之序曰。夫前圣有作。后必有继而述之者。则其教乃得着于世矣。医之道源。自炎黄以至神之妙。始兴
经方。继而伊芳尹以元圣之才。撰成汤液。俾黎庶之疾疚。咸遂蠲除。使万代之生灵。普蒙拯济。后汉张仲景又广
汤液。为伤寒卒病论十数卷。然后医方大备。兹先圣后圣。若合符节。至晋太医令王叔和。以仲景之书。撰次成
叙。得为完帙。昔人以仲景方一部。为众方之祖。盖能继述先圣之所作。迄今千有余年。不坠于地者。又得王氏
阐明之力也。伤寒论十卷。其言精而奥。其法约而详。非寡闻浅见所能赜究。后虽有学人，又各自名家。未见发
明。仆忝医业。自幼徂老。耽味仲景之书。五十余年矣。虽粗得其门。而近升乎堂。然未入于室。常为之慊然。
昨者邂逅聊摄成公。议论该博。术业精通。而有家学。注成伤寒十卷。出以示仆。其三百九十七法之内。分析异
同。彰明隐奥。调陈脉理。区别阴阳。使表里以昭然。俾汗下而灼见。百一十二方之后。通明名号之由。彰显药
性之主。十剂轻重之攸分。七情制用之斯见。别气味之所宜。明补泻之所适。又皆引内经。旁牵众说。方法之
辨。莫不允当。实前贤所未言。后学所未识。是得仲景之深意者也。昔所谓慊然者。今悉达其奥矣。亲觏其书。
诚难默
默。不揆荒芜。聊序其略。时甲子中秋日。洛阳严器之序。
王履曰。成无己作伤寒论注。又作明理论。其表章名义。纤悉不遗。可谓善翼羽仲景者。然即入阴经之寒
证。又不及朱奉议能识。况即病立法之本旨乎。宜其莫能知也。惟其莫知。故于三阴诸寒证。止随文解义而已。
未尝明其何由不为热而为寒也。（溯洄集）
陶华曰。成无己顺文注释。并无缺疑正误之言。以致将冬时伤寒之方。通解温暑。遗祸至今而未已也。（伤
寒琐言）
医林列传曰。成无己聊摄人。家世儒医。性识明敏。记问该博、撰述伤寒义。皆前人未经道者。指在定体。
分形析证、若同而异者明之。似是而非者辨之。古今言伤寒者。祖张仲景但因其证而用之。初未有发明其意义。
成无己博极研精。深造自得。本难素灵枢诸书。以发明其奥。因仲景方论。以辨析其理。表里虚实。阴阳死生之
说。究药病轻重去取加减之意。真得长沙公之旨趣。所着伤寒论十卷。明理论三卷。论方一卷。大行于世。（仲景
全书附载）
王肯堂曰。解释仲景书者。惟成无己最为详明。虽随文顺释。自相矛盾者。时或有之。亦白璧微瑕。固无
损于连城也。（伤寒准绳）
汪琥曰。成无己注解伤寒论。犹王太仆之注内经。所难者惟创始耳。后之人于其注之可疑者。虽多所发明。
大半由其注而启悟。至有忘其起予之功。反责其注解之谬者。或曰。成氏注伤寒论。不过顺文随释。但嫌其不辨
叔和语。不分仲景书。正不知古人虚心着书。不敢轻易指责。所以品愈高。名愈着。如吾辈者。亦自厌其饶舌耳。
四库全书提要曰。伤寒论十卷。汉张机撰。晋王叔和
编。金成无己注。明理论三卷。论方一卷。则无己所自撰。以发明机说者也。叔和高平人。官太医令。无己聊摄
人。生于宋嘉 治平间。后聊摄地入于金。遂为金人。至海陵王正隆丙子。年九十余尚存。见开禧元年历阳张孝
忠跋中。明吴勉学刻此书。题曰宋人。误也。伤寒论。前有宋高保衡孙奇林亿等校正序。称开宝中节度使高继冲
曾编录进上。其文理舛错。未能考正。国家诏儒臣。校正医书。今先校定仲景伤寒论十卷。总二十二篇。合三百
九十七法。除重复有一百二十三方。（案一十三。原本误作一十二。今改正。）今请颁行。又称自仲景于今八百
余年。惟王叔和能学之云。而明方有执作伤寒论条辨。则诋叔和所编。与无己所注。多所改易窜乱。并以序例
一篇。为叔和伪托而删之。国朝喻昌作尚论篇。于叔和编次之舛。序例之谬。及无己所注。林亿等所校之失。攻
击尤详。皆重为考定。自谓复长沙之旧。其书盛行于世。而王氏成氏之书遂微。然叔和为一代名医。又去古未远。
其学当有所受。无己于斯帙。研究终身。亦必深有所得。似未可概从屏斥。尽以为非。夫朱子改大学。为一经十
传。分中庸为三十三章。于学人不为无裨。必以谓孔门之旧本如是。则终无确证可凭也。今大学中庸。列朱子之
本于学官。亦列郑元之本于学官。原不偏废。又乌可以后人重定此书。遂废王氏成氏之本乎。
〔成氏（无己）明理论〕（宋志冒严器之三字。）宋志四卷 存
药方论自序曰。制方之体。宣通补泻轻重涩滑燥湿十剂。是也。制方之用。大小缓急奇偶复七方。是也。是
以制方之体。欲成七方之用者。必本于气味生成。而制方成焉。其寒热温凉四气者生乎天。酸苦辛咸甘淡六味者
成乎地。生
成而阴阳进化之机存焉。是以一物之内。气味兼有。一药之中。理性具矣。主对治疗。由是而出。斟酌其宜。参
合为用。君臣佐使。各以相宜。宣摄变化。不可胜量。一千四百五十三病之方。悉自此而始矣。其所谓君臣佐使
者。非特谓上药一百二十种为君。中药一百二十种为臣。下药一百二十五种为佐使。三品之君臣也。制方之妙。
的与病相对。有毒无毒。所治为病主。主病之谓君。佐君之谓臣。应臣之谓使。择其相须相使。制其相畏相恶。
去其相反相杀。君臣有序。而方道备矣。方宜一君二臣三佐五使。又可一君二臣九佐使。多君少臣。多臣少佐。
则气力不全。君一臣二。制之小也。君一臣三佐五。制之中也。君一臣三佐九。制之大也。君一臣二。奇之制也。
君二臣四。偶之制也。君二臣三。奇之制也。君二臣六。偶之制也。近者奇之。远者偶之。所谓远近者。身之远
近也。在外者身半以上。同天之阳。其气为近。在内者身半以下。同地之阴。其气为远。心肺位膈上。其脏为近。
肾肝位膈下。其脏为远。近而奇偶。制小其服。远而奇偶。制大其服。肾肝位远。数多则其气缓。不能速达于下。
必剂大而数少。取其气迅急。可以走下也。心肺位近。数少则其气急。不能发散于上。必剂少而数多。取其气
易散。可以补上也。所谓数者。肾一肝三脾五心七肺九。为五脏之常。制不得越者。补上治上。制以缓。补下治
下。制以急。又急则气味浓。缓则气味薄。随其攸利而施之。远近得其宜矣。奇方之制。大而数少。以取迅走于
下。所谓下药不以偶。偶方之制，少而数多。以取发散于上。所谓汗药不以奇。经曰。汗者不以奇。下者不以偶。
处方之制。无逾是也。然自古诸方。历岁浸远。难可考评。惟张仲景方一部。
最为众方之祖。是以仲景本伊芳尹之法。伊芳尹本神农之经。医帙之中。特为枢要。参今法古。不越毫末。实乃大圣
之所作也。一百一十三方之内。择其医门常用者方二十首。因以方制之法明之。庶几少发古人之用心矣。
严器之序曰。余尝思历代明医。回骸起死。祛邪愈疾。非曰生而知之。必也祖述前圣之经。才高识妙。探微
索隐。研究义理。得其旨趣。故无施而不可。且百病之急。无急于伤寒。或死或愈。止于六七日之间十日以上。
故汉张长沙感往昔之沦丧。伤横夭之莫救。撰为伤寒论一十卷。三百九十七法。一百十三方。为医门之规绳。治
病之宗本。然自汉逮今。千有余年。唯王叔和得其旨趣。后人皆不得其门而入。是以其间少于注释。阙于讲义。
自宋以来。名医间有着述者。如庞安常作卒病论。朱肱作活人书。韩 和作微旨。王实作证治。虽皆互有阐明之
义。然而未能尽张长沙之深意聊摄成公家世儒医。性识明敏。记问该博。撰述伤寒义。皆前人未经道者。指在定
体。分形析证。若同而异者明之。似是而非者辩之。释战栗有内外之诊。论烦躁有阴阳之别。谵语郑声。令虚实
之灼知。四逆与厥。使浅深之类明。始于发热。终于劳复。凡五十篇。目之曰明理论。所谓真得长沙公之旨趣也。
使习医之流。读其论而知其理。识其证而别其病。胸次了然而无惑。顾不博哉。余家医业五十载。究旨穷经。自
幼迄老。凡古今医书。无不涉猎。观此书。义理粲然。不能默默。因序其略。岁在壬戌。八月望日。锦 山严
器之序。
张孝忠跋曰。上注解伤寒论十卷。明理论三卷。论方一卷。聊摄成无己之所作。自北而南。盖两集也。予以
绍熙庚
戌岁入都。传前十卷于医者王光庭家。洎守荆门。又于襄阳。访后四卷得之。望闻问切。治病处方之要。举不越
此。古今言伤寒者。祖张长沙。但因其证而用之。初未有发明其意义。成公博极研精。深造自得。本难素灵枢诸
书。以发明其奥。因仲景方论。以辩析其理。极表里虚实阴阳死生之说。究药病轻重去取加减之意。毫发了无遗
恨。诚仲景之忠臣。医家之大法也。士大夫宦四方。每病无医。予来郴山。尤所叹息。欲示之教。难于空言。故
刊此书。以为楷式。使家藏其本。人诵其言。夭横伤生。庶乎免矣。成公当乙亥丙子岁。其年九十余。则必生于
嘉治平之间。国家长育人材。命医立学。得人之效。一至于此。则天下后世。凡所谓教养云者。可不深加之意
也夫。开禧改元五月甲子历阳张孝忠。
汪琥曰。伤寒明理论。金聊摄人成无己撰。书凡四卷。其第一卷至第三卷。共论五十篇。始于发热。终于劳
复。其第四卷。发明桂枝等方二十首。此为深得伤寒之旨趣者也。但其中四十五论云阳明病下血谵语。此为热入
血室者。斯盖言男子。不止谓妇人。此与仲景之意大悖。然亦不可因其一节之短。掩其全部之长。取名明理。信
不诬矣。
四库全书提要曰。成无己所作明理论。凡五十篇，又论方二十篇。于君臣佐使之义。阐发尤明。严器之序。
称无己撰定伤寒义。皆前人未经道者。其推挹甚至。张孝忠亦称无己此二集。自北而南。先以绍兴庚戌。得伤寒
论注十卷于医士王光庭家。后守荆门。又于襄阳。访得明理论四卷。因为刊板于郴山。则在当时。固已深重其书
矣。
〔陶氏（华）伤寒明理续论〕一卷 存
自序曰。昔朱肱奉议着伤寒百问书。经进。授医博士。其书付监刊行。道遇豫章名医宋道方。因就质之。宋
为指驳数十条。肱罔然自失。由是书监不刊。事见续易简方。双钟李知先又为歌括八韵。二书吾乡先辈。例以为
活人之书。按魏志华佗传云。出书一卷。此书可以活人。则活人之名所由始。而仲景伤寒论是也。朱李二公虽知
有仲景之书。不能臻其阃奥，未足以充活人之名。正统改元。余游京师。遇临江刘志善先生，授书一卷。指摘百
问。亦数十条。携以南归。呈之松江赵景元先生。奉议之书。固未尽善。而刘公所驳。似为大察。前人无议为也。
且仲景之书。流传既久。鱼鲁实多。微辞奥介之互见。残简断编之后先。朱公既未知其文。又不知其证候。然自
汉魏以来。高人逸士所着。不传于今者。何可胜数。因出示诸书曰。郭白云伤寒补亡。庞安常卒病论。韩 和微
旨。杨仁斋伤寒类书。王实证治。常器之杨大授。凡此数种。皆有功于仲景。而东南医流所未见也。景元亦自编
一书。曰伤寒类例。久未之成。不以示人。庚寅冬。予病足不出户庭数月。因观成无己明理论。止五十证。辨究
详明。惜其未备。于是乃集所见所闻。比类附例。斟酌而损益之。遂成一书。名曰明理续论。姑以自备遗忘。非
敢传诸人也。虽朱公百问。积平生之勤。尚不免后人之纷纭言之。予实何人。乃以数月。而有所成。盖赖古人之
成训。有以启发之。初学医之士。或有所得焉。当有知予心者。乃记其所由于卷首云。
杭州府志曰。陶华字尚文。余杭人。治病有奇效。一人患病。因食羊肉。涉水。结于胸中。其门人请曰。此
病下之不能。吐之不出。当用何法。陶曰。宜食砒一钱。门人未之
信也。乃以他药试之。百计不效。卒根据华言。一服而吐。遂愈。门人问之曰。砒性杀人。何能治病。陶曰。羊血
大能解砒毒。羊肉得砒而吐。而砒得羊肉。则不能杀人。是以知其可愈。后来省郡治伤寒。一服即愈。神效莫测。
名动一时。然非重赂。莫能致。论者以是少之。所着六书。曰琐言。曰家秘。曰杀车槌法。曰截江网。曰一提金。
曰明理续论。仲景以后一人而已。
〔巴氏（应奎）应奎伤寒明理补论〕四卷 存
〔闵氏（芝庆）伤寒明理论删补〕四卷 存
自序曰。昔轩岐洞悉医经。论及伤寒。状经脉之传。分汗下之法。定愈否之期。皆以日计者。道其常。举其
要也。若夫诸变不可胜数。内经难以其论。故天复生仲景。以宣其秘。泄传变之 。别阴阳之发病。撰论推展经
义。立方□惠生灵。一理贯通。群绪毕着。第非凡之教必澜深。文简意博。世难窥测。成无己奋起研穷。创为训
【成无己（字无己）注解伤寒论】（旧本误作《图解》。）《国史经籍志》载十卷，现存。
严器之在序言中说：从前圣人有创制，后世必有继承并阐述的人，这样他们的教化才能在世间彰显。医学的源头，从炎帝、黄帝直到神妙的境界，才开始兴起经方。接着伊尹凭借元圣的才华，撰写了《汤液经》，使百姓的疾病得以消除，让万代的生灵普遍得到拯救救济。后汉张仲景又扩充了《汤液经》，写成《伤寒卒病论》十几卷，从此医方大为完备。先圣与后圣的学说，如同符节相合一样契合。到了晋代太医令王叔和，将张仲景的书籍整理编次，使其成为完整的篇章。过去人们把张仲景的方书作为众方的始祖，大概是因为他能继承阐述先圣的著作，到现在一千多年没有失传，这也是得益于王氏阐明的力量啊。《伤寒论》十卷，言辞精妙深奥，法则简约详尽，不是见闻浅陋的人所能探究明白的。后来虽然有学医之人，各自成家立派，却未见有发明创造。我愧列医门，从幼年到老年，沉迷于张仲景的书已有五十多年了。虽然刚摸到门径，近才登堂入室，但尚未进入内室（指未达最高境界），常常为此感到遗憾。昨天偶然遇到聊摄地区的成先生，他的议论广博精深，医术精通且有家学渊源，他注释的《伤寒论》十卷，拿出来给我看。其中对三百九十七法中的异同进行分析比较，彰明隐晦深奥的道理，调理陈述脉理，区别阴阳，使表里证候清晰明了，使汗法、下法运用得清清楚楚。在一百一十二方之后，通晓方名由来的原因，彰显药物性味的主治作用，区分十剂的轻重，展现七情制药的运用，辨别气味适宜的用法，明确补泻适用的方向。又都引用《内经》，旁征博引各种学说，对于方法和理论的辨析，无不恰当，确实是前贤未曾说过的，后学未曾认识到的，这是深得张仲景的深意啊。以前所谓的遗憾，现在完全通达其奥妙了。亲眼看到这本书，实在难以沉默不语，不顾自己学识荒芜，姑且简述其概要。时值甲子年中秋节，洛阳严器之作序。
王履说：成无己撰写《伤寒论注》，又撰写《明理论》，其表彰名义，细致入微不遗漏，可以说是很好地辅助羽翼张仲景的人了。然而对于传入阴经的寒证，他又不如朱肱（奉议）能识别清楚，何况是创立治疗疾病的根本宗旨呢？所以他不能真正理解。正因为不理解，所以对于三阴经的各种寒证，只是随着文义解释而已，从未阐明为什么这些病证不为热证而为寒证。（出自《溯洄集》）
陶华说：成无己顺着文义进行注释，并没有提出缺疑或纠正错误的言论，导致将冬季感寒的伤寒方剂，统统解释为温病暑病，遗留祸患至今未止。（出自《伤寒琐言》）
《医林列传》记载：成无己是聊摄人，世代为儒医。天资聪明敏捷，记问广博，撰述《伤寒论》义理，都是前人未曾说过的。指出在确定病体，分析形态辨析证候方面，对于看似相同实则不同的加以阐明，对于似是而非的进行辨别。古今谈论伤寒的人，尊崇张仲景，只是根据证候来用药，起初未有发明其意义。成无己博览极研，精深研究，深造自得，依据《难经》《素问》《灵枢》等书来发明其中的奥妙，通过张仲景的方论来辨析其中的道理，探究表里虚实、阴阳死生的说法，研究药物与病症轻重的取舍加减之意，真正得到了长沙公（张仲景）的宗旨趣味。所著《伤寒论》十卷，《明理论》三卷，《论方》一卷，广泛流行于世。（附载于《仲景全书》）
王肯堂说：解释张仲景书籍的人，只有成无己最为详细明了。虽然是顺着文义解释，自相矛盾的地方，偶尔也有，但这毕竟是白璧微瑕，并不损害其如连城宝玉般珍贵的价值。（出自《伤寒准绳》）
汪琥说：成无己注解《伤寒论》，就像王冰（王太仆）注解《内经》一样，难得之处在于创始。后代人对其注解中可疑的地方，虽然多有发明，但大半是由他的注解而启发领悟的。甚至有人忘记了他启发的功劳，反而指责他的注解有误。有人说：成氏注解《伤寒论》，不过是顺着文义随意解释，只遗憾他不分辨哪些是王叔和的话，哪些是张仲景的原书。正不知道古人写书虚心谨慎，不敢轻易指责别人，所以品德越高，名声越着。像我们这样的人，也厌倦自己多嘴多舌罢了。
《四库全书提要》说：《伤寒论》十卷，汉代张机撰写，晋代王叔和编纂，金代成无己注释。《明理论》三卷，《论方》一卷，则是成无己自己所撰写的，用来阐发张机的学说。王叔和是高平人，官至太医令。成无己是聊摄人，生于宋代嘉祐、治平年间，后来聊摄之地归属金朝，于是成为金人。到了海陵王正隆丙子年，年龄九十多岁还活着，见开禧元年历阳张孝忠的跋文中提到，明代吴勉学刻印此书，题名为宋人，这是错误的。《伤寒论》前有宋代高保衡、孙奇、林亿等人校正的序言，称开宝年中节度使高继冲曾编录进献，其文理错乱，未能考订改正。国家诏令儒臣校正医书，现在先校定张仲景《伤寒论》十卷，共二十二篇，合计三百九十七法，除去重复有一百二十三方。（案：一十三，原本误作一十二，今改正。）现在请求颁布施行。又称自从张仲景到现在八百多年，只有王叔和能学习他的学问。而明代方有执撰写《伤寒论条辨》，则诋毁王叔和所编纂的，以及成无己所注释的，多有改易窜乱，并把序例一篇，认为是王叔和伪托而删去。本朝喻昌撰写《尚论篇》，对于王叔和编纂的错乱，序例的谬误，以及成无己所注释、林亿等人所校正的失误，攻击尤为详细，都重新进行考定，自称恢复了长沙公的旧貌，其书盛行于世，而王氏、成氏的书遂逐渐微弱。然而王叔和是一代名医，又离古代不远，他的学问应当有所师承。成无己对此书研究终身，也必定深有心得，似乎不可以一概排斥，全部认为不对。就像朱熹修改《大学》，分为一经十传，分割《中庸》为三十三章，对学习的人并非没有益处，但如果一定说是孔门的旧本就是这样，则最终没有确凿证据可凭。现在《大学》《中庸》，既列朱子的版本于学官，也列郑玄的版本于学官，原来并不偏废，又怎么能因为后人重新审定此书，就废弃王氏、成氏的版本呢？
【成无己《明理论》】（《宋志》冒用严器之三字。）《宋志》载四卷，现存。
《药方论》自序说：制定方剂的体制，包括宣、通、补、泻、轻、重、涩、滑、燥、湿十剂，这就是方剂体制。制定方剂的运用，包括大、小、缓、急、奇、偶、复七方，这就是方剂运用。因此，要成就七方的运用，必须基于气味的生成，然后方剂才能制成。寒、热、温、凉四气产生于天，酸、苦、辛、咸、甘、淡六味形成于地。生成之后，阴阳进化的机理就存在其中。因此，在一味药之内，气味兼有；在一药之中，理性具备。主治和对治疾病，由此而出。斟酌其适宜，参合使用，君、臣、佐、使，各得其宜，宣摄变化，不可胜数。一千四百五十三种病的方剂，全都从这里开始。所谓君、臣、佐、使，不仅仅是指上药一百二十种为君，中药一百二十种为臣，下药一百二十五种为佐使，这三品的君臣关系。制方的妙处，确实与病症相对。有毒无毒，以所治疗的疾病为主。主病的是君，辅助君药的是臣，响应臣药的是使。选择相互需要、相互促进的药物，制约相互畏惧、相互厌恶的药物，去除相互相反、相互克制的药物。君臣有序，方道就具备了。方剂适宜一君二臣三佐五使，也可以一君二臣九佐使。多君少臣，多臣少佐，则药力不全。君一臣二，是小制；君一臣三佐五，是中制；君一臣三佐九，是大制。君一臣二，是奇方之制；君二臣四，是偶方之制；君二臣三，是奇方之制；君二臣六，是偶方之制。病位近的用奇方，病位远的用偶方。所谓远近，是指身体的远近。在外者，身半以上，同天之阳，其气为近；在内者，身半以下，同地之阴，其气为远。心肺位于膈上，其脏为近；肾肝位于膈下，其脏为远。病位近而用奇偶，制剂量小；病位远而用奇偶，制剂量大。肾肝位置远，药味多则药气缓和，不能迅速到达下部，必须药味大而数量少，取其药气迅急，可以走下。心肺位置近，药味少则药气急迫，不能发散于上部，必须药味少而数量多，取其药气易散，可以补上。所谓数量，肾一、肝三、脾五、心七、肺九，是五脏的常规，制方不能超过这个限度。补上治上，制剂以缓；补下治下，制剂以急。急则气味浓厚，缓则气味淡薄，随其有利而施用，远近得其适宜。奇方之制，药味大而数量少，以取迅疾走下，所谓下药不用偶方；偶方之制，药味少而数量多，以取发散于上，所谓汗药不用奇方。经典说：汗法不用奇方，下法不用偶方。处方的体制，没有超过这个范围的。然而自古以来的诸方，经历岁月久远，难以考评。只有张仲景的方书，最作为众方的始祖。因此张仲景秉承伊尹的方法，伊尹秉承神农的经典，在医籍中特别关键重要。参考今法古法，不差毫厘，实乃大圣的著作。在一百一十三方中，选择医门常用的二十首方剂，借此阐明制方之法，希望能稍微发扬古人的用心。
严器之序说：我曾思考历代名医，能使死者复生，祛除邪气治愈疾病，不是说生而知之，一定是祖述前圣的经典，才高识妙，探求微妙索求隐奥，研究义理，得其旨趣，所以无所施而不可。况且百病的紧急，没有比伤寒更紧急的。或死或愈，就在六七天之间，十日以上。所以汉代张长沙感慨往昔的沦丧，哀伤横死夭折无法救治，撰写了《伤寒论》十卷，三百九十七法，一百一十三方，作为医门的规矩绳墨，治病的宗本。然而从汉代到现在，一千多年，只有王叔和得其旨趣，后人都不得其门而入。因此其间缺少注释，缺乏讲义。自宋代以来，名医间有著作的，如庞安常作《卒病论》，朱肱作《活人书》，韩祗和作《微旨》，王实作证治，虽然都有阐明的意义，然而未能尽张长沙的深意。聊摄成先生家世儒医，天资聪明敏捷，记问广博，撰述《伤寒论》义理，都是前人未曾说过的。指出在确定病体，分析形态辨析证候方面，对于看似相同实则不同的加以阐明，对于似是而非的进行辨别。解释战栗有内外诊察的区别，论述烦躁有阴阳的不同，谵语和郑声，使虚实了然知晓，四逆和厥，使深浅类别明晰。始于发热，终于劳复，共五十篇，命名为《明理论》。所谓真正得到长沙公的旨趣啊。使习医的人，读其论而知其理，识其证而别其病，心中豁然开朗而无疑惑，难道不博大吗？我家行医五十载，探究旨趣穷尽经典，从幼年到老年，凡古今医书，无不涉猎。观看这本书，义理灿烂，不能沉默，因此简述其概要。岁在壬戌，八月十五日，锦山严器之作序。
张孝忠跋说：上面注解《伤寒论》十卷，《明理论》三卷，《论方》一卷，是聊摄成无己所著。从北向南，大概是两集。我在绍熙庚戌年入京，从医者王光庭家传得前十卷。等到守荆门，又在襄阳，访求后四卷得到它。望闻问切，治病处方的要领，全不出此。古今谈论伤寒的人，尊崇张长沙，只是根据证候来用药，起初未有发明其意义。成先生博览极研，精深研究，深造自得，依据《难经》《素问》《灵枢》等书来发明其中的奥妙，通过张仲景的方论来辨析其中的道理，极尽表里虚实阴阳死生的说法，研究药物与病症轻重的取舍加减之意，毫发无遗恨，确实是张仲景的忠臣，医家的大法。士大夫宦游四方，常常生病无医可求，我来郴山，尤其叹息。想要示教，难于空言，所以刊印此书，作为楷模，使家家藏有其本，人人诵读其言，夭折横死伤害生命的情况，或许可以避免。成先生在乙亥丙子年，年龄九十多岁，则一定生于嘉祐治平之间。国家长育人才，命医设立学校，得人之效，达到这种程度，那么天下后世，凡是所谓教养的事情，能不深深加意吗？开禧改元五月甲子，历阳张孝忠。
汪琥说：《伤寒明理论》，金代聊摄人成无己撰写。书共四卷，第一卷至第三卷，共论五十篇，始于发热，终于劳复。第四卷，发明桂枝等方二十首。这是深得伤寒旨趣的。但其中第四十五论说阳明病下血谵语，这是热入血室者，这大概是说男子，不止指妇人，这与张仲景的意思大相违背。然而也不能因其一节的短处，掩盖其全部的优点。取名《明理》，确实不诬。
《四库全书提要》说：成无己所作《明理论》，共五十篇，又《论方》二十篇，对于君臣佐使的意义，阐发尤为明白。严器之序，称无己撰定《伤寒论》义理，都是前人未曾说过的，其推崇甚至如此。张孝忠也称无己这两集，从北向南，先在绍兴庚戌年，从医士王光庭家得到《伤寒论注》十卷，后守荆门，又在襄阳，访得《明理论》四卷，因此刊板于郴山，则在当时，固然已深深重视此书了。
【陶华《伤寒明理续论》】一卷，现存。
自序说：以前朱肱（奉议）撰写《伤寒百问书》，进呈皇帝，授任医博士。其书交付监司刊行。途中遇到豫章名医宋道方，于是向他请教。宋道方指出了几十条错误，朱肱茫然若失，因此书被监司停止刊行。此事见于《续易简方》。双钟李知先又编写了歌括八韵。这两本书，我们乡里的先辈，都习惯称之为《活人书》。按《魏志·华佗传》记载：出一卷书，此书可以活人，则“活人”之名由此开始，也就是张仲景的《伤寒论》。朱肱、李知先两位先生虽然知道有张仲景的书，但不能臻于其深奥，不足以充“活人”之名。正统改元年，我游历京师，遇到临江刘志善先生，授我一卷书，指摘《百问》数十条。携带南归，呈给松江赵景元先生。奉议的书，固然未尽善尽美，而刘公所驳斥的，似乎更为详察。前人无此议论。况且张仲景的书，流传已久，鱼鲁（文字讹误）实多，微辞奥旨的互见，残简断编的前后顺序混乱。朱公既不知其文，又不知其证候。然而自汉魏以来，高人逸士所著，不传于今天的，何可胜数。于是出示诸书说：郭白云《伤寒补亡》，庞安常《卒病论》，韩祗和《微旨》，杨仁斋《伤寒类书》，王实《证治》，常器之、杨大授，凡此几种，都对张仲景有功，而东南医流所未见的。景元也自编一书，叫《伤寒类例》，很久未完成，不给人看。庚寅冬，我生病几个月足不出户，于是观看成无己《明理论》，只止于五十证，辨究详细明了，可惜其未完备，于是收集所见所闻，比类附例，斟酌损益，遂成一书，名叫《明理续论》，姑且以备遗忘，不敢传给他人。虽然朱公《百问》，积累平生之勤，尚不免后人的纷纭议论，我是什么人，能以数月而成书，大概赖古人的成训，有以启发之。初学医的人士，或许有所得，应当有了解我心的人，于是在卷首记下缘由。
《杭州府志》记载：陶华字尚文，余杭人。治病有奇效。一人患病，因吃羊肉，涉水，结于胸中。其门人请示说：此病下之不能，吐之不出，当用什么方法？陶华说：宜食砒霜一钱。门人不相信，于是用其他药试之，百计无效，最终听从陶华之言，一服而吐，遂痊愈。门人问他说：砒霜性杀人，怎么能治病？陶华说：羊血大能解砒霜毒。羊肉得砒霜而吐，而砒霜得羊肉，则不能杀人。因此知道可以痊愈。后来在省郡治疗伤寒，一服即愈，神效莫测，名动一时。然而没有重金贿赂，不能请到。论者因此轻视他。所著六书，叫《琐言》，《家秘》，《杀车槌法》，《截江网》，《一提金》，《明理续论》。是张仲景以后第一人而已。
【巴应奎《应奎伤寒明理补论》】四卷，现存。
【闵芝庆《伤寒明理论删补》】四卷，现存。
自序说：以前轩辕、岐伯洞悉医经，论述到伤寒，描述经脉的传变，区分汗下之法，确定痊愈与否的期限，都以日计算，这是讲其常道，举其要点。至于各种变化不可胜数，《内经》难以论述，所以上天再次降生张仲景，以宣扬其秘密，泄露传变的机理，分别阴阳的发病，撰写论说推展经义，立方以惠及生灵，一理贯通，群绪毕现。只是非凡的教导必然波澜深远，文简意博，世人难以窥测。成无己奋起研究穷究，开创训释……
[Cheng Wuji's Commentary on the Treatise on Cold Damage] (Old editions erroneously titled "Illustrated Diagrams".) Recorded in *Guoshi Jingzhi* as ten volumes, extant.
Yan Qizhi wrote in his preface: When former sages made innovations, later generations must necessarily follow and expound upon them, so that their teachings may be established in the world. The origin of medicine traces back to Yan Di and Huang Di, reaching divine subtlety, where classical prescriptions (*Jingfang*) first arose. Subsequently, Yi Yin, endowed with the talent of a primal sage, compiled the *Tangye Jing* (Decoction Classic), thereby eliminating the diseases of the common people and saving all living beings for ten thousand generations. Later, Zhang Zhongjing of the Eastern Han Dynasty further expanded the *Tangye*, writing the *Shanghan Zubing Lun* (Treatise on Cold Damage and Miscellaneous Diseases) in over ten volumes, after which medical prescriptions were greatly perfected. The teachings of former and latter sages fit together like tally sticks. By the time of Wang Shuhe, Grand Physician Director of the Jin Dynasty, who compiled and arranged Zhang Zhongjing’s writings into a complete volume, people regarded Zhang’s prescriptions as the ancestor of all formulas. This is likely because he inherited and expounded the works of former sages; thus, for over a thousand years until now, they have not fallen into oblivion, thanks also to Mr. Wang’s elucidation. The *Treatise on Cold Damage*, ten volumes, contains refined and profound words, and concise yet detailed methods, which cannot be thoroughly investigated by those with limited knowledge and shallow insight. Although later scholars established their own schools, none achieved true innovation. I, unworthy as I am to practice medicine, have been devoted to Zhang Zhongjing’s books from youth to old age, for over fifty years. Though I have barely entered the door and recently ascended to the hall, I have not yet entered the inner chamber, often feeling regretful. Yesterday, I coincidentally met Master Cheng of Liaocai, whose discussions were comprehensive and profound, and whose medical skills were mastered with a family tradition. He presented his commentary on the *Treatise on Cold Damage*, ten volumes, for my review. Within the 397 methods, he analyzed similarities and differences, clarified hidden profundities, regulated pulse theories, distinguished yin and yang, making exterior and interior conditions clear, and rendering sweating and purging methods evident. Following the 112 formulas, he explained the origins of names, highlighted the primary properties of herbs, distinguished the weights of the Ten Categories, revealed the applications of the Seven Emotions in formulation, identified suitable flavors and odors, and clarified appropriate tonification and draining. He cited the *Neijing* extensively and drew upon various theories, ensuring that distinctions in methods and principles were always appropriate. This was indeed something unspoken by former worthies and unrecognized by later learners, truly grasping the deep meaning of Zhang Zhongjing. What was once a source of regret is now fully understood. Seeing this book personally, it is hard to remain silent. Presuming my ignorance, I briefly outline its essence. On the Mid-Autumn Festival of the Jiazi year, Yan Qizhi of Luoyang wrote the preface.
Wang Lü stated: Cheng Wuji wrote the commentary on the *Treatise on Cold Damage* and also the *Mingli Lun*. In clarifying meanings and details, he omitted nothing, effectively supporting Zhang Zhongjing’s work. However, regarding cold syndromes entering the yin meridians, he was less perceptive than Zhu Fengyi. How could he grasp the original intent of establishing laws for acute diseases? Thus, he failed to understand. Because he did not understand, for the various cold syndromes of the three yin meridians, he merely explained the text without clarifying why these conditions became cold rather than heat. (From *Suhui Ji*)
Tao Hua stated: Cheng Wuji followed the text for his commentary, offering no corrections or clarifications of doubts. Consequently, he interpreted winter cold damage formulas as warm-heat treatments, causing harm that persists to this day. (From *Shanghan Suoyan*)
*Yilin Liezhuan* records: Cheng Wuji was from Liaocai, from a family of scholar-doctors. He was intelligent and quick-witted, with extensive knowledge. His exegesis of the *Shanghan Lun* contained insights never before expressed by predecessors. He focused on determining the disease body, analyzing forms and syndromes, clarifying what seemed similar but was different, and distinguishing what appeared correct but was erroneous. Ancient and modern discussants of cold damage revered Zhang Zhongjing but only applied treatments based on symptoms, without elucidating the underlying principles. Cheng Wuji studied extensively and deeply, drawing upon the *Nanjing*, *Suwen*, and *Lingshu* to reveal mysteries, and using Zhang Zhongjing’s formula theory to analyze reasoning. He explored theories of exterior/interior, deficiency/excess, yin/yang, death/life, and the intentions behind selecting, adding, or subtracting herbs based on the severity of disease and medication. He truly captured the spirit of the Duke of Changsha (Zhang Zhongjing). His works, *Shanghan Lun* (10 vols.), *Mingli Lun* (3 vols.), and *Lunfang* (1 vol.), are widely circulated. (Attached to *Zhongjing Quanshu*)
Wang Kentang stated: Among those who explain Zhang Zhongjing’s books, Cheng Wuji is the most detailed and clear. Although he follows the text, occasional self-contradictions exist, which are but minor flaws in a jade of great value, not detracting from its worth. (From *Shanghan Zhunshen*)
Wang Hu stated: Cheng Wuji’s commentary on the *Shanghan Lun* is like Wang Bing’s commentary on the *Neijing*; the difficulty lies in pioneering. Later scholars, while discovering much in Cheng’s questionable annotations, largely derived their insights from them. Some forget his contributory merit and instead criticize his errors. It is said that Cheng merely followed the text, failing to distinguish between Wang Shuhe’s additions and Zhang Zhongjing’s original text. One should not fail to appreciate the ancient scholars' humility in writing, which elevated their character and fame. As for us, we tire of our own verbosity.
*Siku Quanshu Tiyao* states: *Shanghan Lun*, ten volumes, written by Zhang Ji of the Han Dynasty, compiled by Wang Shuhe of the Jin Dynasty, and annotated by Cheng Wuji of the Jin Dynasty. *Mingli Lun* (3 vols.) and *Lunfang* (1 vol.) were authored by Cheng himself to expound on Zhang’s theories. Wang Shuhe was from Gaoping, serving as Grand Physician Director. Cheng Wuji was from Liaocai, born during the Jiayou/Zhiping eras of the Song Dynasty; when Liaocai fell to the Jin, he became a Jin subject. He was still alive at over ninety years old in the Bingzi year of Zhenglong under Emperor Hailing, as noted in Zhang Xiaozhong’s postscript from the first year of Kaixi. Ming dynasty printer Wu Mianxue incorrectly labeled him a Song person. The preface by Song officials Gao Baoheng, Sun Qi, and Lin Yi mentions that Gao Jichong submitted the text during the Kaibao era, but it was flawed. The state ordered scholars to correct medical texts, leading to the correction of Zhang’s *Shanghan Lun* into ten volumes, twenty-two chapters, 397 methods, and 123 unique formulas (corrected from 112 in the original). It was requested for publication. They noted that within 800 years since Zhang, only Wang Shuhe learned from him. However, Fang Youzhi of the Ming Dynasty criticized Wang’s compilation and Cheng’s annotation as altered and forged, deleting the Preface and Examples chapter. Yu Chang of the Qing Dynasty also attacked these errors in *Shanglun Pian*, claiming to restore Zhang’s original text, causing Wang’s and Cheng’s works to fade. Yet Wang was a renowned physician close to antiquity, and Cheng studied the text lifelong; neither should be entirely dismissed. Just as Zhu Xi reorganized the *Daxue* and *Zhongyong* for pedagogical benefit without claiming it was the original Confucian text, both versions are kept in academies. Why discard Wang’s and Cheng’s versions just because later scholars revised them?
[Cheng Wuji's *Mingli Lun*] (Attributed to Yan Qizhi in Song records.) Four volumes recorded in Song catalogs, extant.
Preface to *Yaofang Lun*: The structure of formulating prescriptions involves the Ten Categories: dispersing, draining, tonifying, purging, light, heavy, astringent, slippery, drying, and dampening. The application involves the Seven Forms: large, small, slow, rapid, odd, even, and compound. To achieve the Seven Forms, one must base the formulation on the generation of qi and flavor. The four qi (cold, heat, warm, cool) are generated by heaven; the six flavors (sour, bitter, acrid, salty, sweet, bland) are formed by earth. From generation comes the mechanism of yin-yang evolution. Thus, each herb possesses both qi and flavor, containing its nature within. Treatment arises from this. Through careful selection and combination, the roles of Sovereign, Minister, Assistant, and Envoy are assigned appropriately. Changes are countless. The formulas for 1,453 diseases originate here. The terms Sovereign, Minister, Assistant, and Envoy do not merely refer to the Upper, Middle, and Lower grades of herbs in the *Shennong Bencao Jing*. The subtlety of formulation lies in matching the disease. The herb treating the main disease is the Sovereign; assisting the Sovereign is the Minister; responding to the Minister is the Envoy. Select herbs that complement each other, restrain those that conflict, and remove those that oppose or kill each other. With orderly hierarchy, the prescription is complete. A formula may have one Sovereign, two Ministers, three Assistants, five Envoys, or variations thereof. Too many Sovereigns or Ministers dilutes efficacy. One Sovereign, two Ministers is a small formula; one Sovereign, three Ministers, five Assistants is medium; one Sovereign, three Ministers, nine Assistants is large. Odd forms (one Sovereign, two Ministers; two Sovereigns, three Ministers) and Even forms (two Sovereigns, four Ministers; two Sovereigns, six Ministers) depend on distance. "Distance" refers to bodily location. Upper body (above diaphragm) is near/heavenly yang; lower body (below diaphragm) is far/earthly yin. Heart/Lung are near; Kidney/Liver are far. Near diseases use smaller doses with odd/even forms; far diseases use larger doses. For far organs (Kidney/Liver), too many ingredients make the qi too slow to reach down; thus, fewer ingredients with stronger potency are needed. For near organs (Heart/Lung), too few ingredients make the qi too urgent to disperse upward; thus, more ingredients with milder potency are needed. The numbers correspond to the Five Elements: Kidney 1, Liver 3, Spleen 5, Heart 7, Lung 9. Treating upper/near requires slow/gentle action; treating lower/far requires rapid/strong action. Rapid means strong flavor; slow means weak flavor. Odd formulas (large potency, few ingredients) descend rapidly; Even formulas (small potency, many ingredients) disperse upward. As the classics state: Sweating does not use odd forms; purging does not use even forms. This is the limit of prescription. Among ancient formulas, Zhang Zhongjing’s are the ancestors. He followed Yi Yin, who followed Shennong. His work is pivotal. Of the 113 formulas, 20 commonly used ones are selected and explained in this treatise to reveal ancient wisdom.
Yan Qizhi’s Preface: I have pondered how past physicians revived the dead and cured diseases. It is not innate knowledge but deriving from ancient classics, exploring mysteries, and understanding principles. Among all diseases, cold damage is most urgent, deciding life or death within days. Zhang Changsha, mourning the loss of lives, wrote the *Shanghan Lun* (10 vols., 397 methods, 113 formulas) as the standard for medicine. For over a thousand years since Han, only Wang Shuhe grasped its essence; others failed to enter the door. Since Song, physicians like Pang Anchang, Zhu Gong, Han Zhihe, and Wang Shi wrote commentaries, but none fully captured Zhang’s depth. Cheng Wuji of Liaocai, from a scholarly medical family, possessed brilliant insight and broad knowledge. His commentary clarified similarities/differences and ambiguities. He distinguished internal/external chills, yin/yang irritability, delirium vs. faint speech, and Si Ni vs. Jue. Covering fever to labor relapse in 50 articles, he named it *Mingli Lun*, truly capturing Zhang’s spirit. May students read it to understand principles and distinguish diseases. My family has practiced medicine for 50 years; reading this, I find its logic brilliant and cannot remain silent. On the 15th day of the 8th month in the Renxu year, Yan Qizhi of Jinshan wrote this preface.
Zhang Xiaozhong’s Postscript: The above works—*Shanghan Lun* Commentary (10 vols.), *Mingli Lun* (3 vols.), and *Lunfang* (1 vol.)—are by Cheng Wuji of Liaocai. I obtained the first ten volumes from Wang Guangting in Beijing in the Gengxu year of Shaoxi. Later, guarding Jingmen, I found the remaining four volumes in Xiangyang. Pulse diagnosis and treatment essentials are contained herein. Cheng studied deeply, using *Nanjing*, *Suwen*, and *Lingshu* to clarify Zhang’s principles. He is a loyal minister to Zhang Zhongjing and a great model for physicians. Scholars traveling often lack doctors. I printed this book in Chenshan as a standard, hoping families will keep copies and people will recite them, preventing premature death. Cheng was over ninety in Yihai/Bingzi years, born around Jiayou/Zhiping. The state nurtures talent through medical schools; this reflects such success. On the Jiazi day of the 5th month, first year of Kaixi, Zhang Xiaozhong of Liyang wrote this.
Wang Hu stated: *Shanghan Mingli Lun* by Cheng Wuji of Jin has four volumes. Vols 1-3 contain 50 articles on syndromes from fever to labor relapse. Vol 4 explains 20 formulas including Guizhi Tang. This captures the essence of cold damage. However, Article 45 discusses blood bleeding and delirium in Yangming disease as "heat entering the blood chamber," applying it to men as well as women, contradicting Zhang Zhongjing. Yet, one flaw does not obscure the whole. The title *Mingli* is justified.
*Siku Quanshu Tiyao* notes: Cheng’s *Mingli Lun* (50 articles) and *Lunfang* (20 articles) clearly explain Sovereign/Minister/Assistant/Envoy roles. Yan Qizhi praised Cheng’s original insights. Zhang Xiaozhong noted the transmission of these works from North to South, printed in Chenshan, showing their high regard at the time.
[Tao Hua's *Shanghan Mingli Xulun*] One volume, extant.
Preface: Zhu Gong (Zhu Hui) wrote *Shanghan Baiwen Shu*, submitted to the emperor, becoming Medical Doctor. It was to be printed but stopped after Song Daofang pointed out dozens of errors. Li Zhixian added rhymed verses. These are called *Huo Ren Shu* (Book That Revives People), originating from Hua Tuo’s claim that a certain book can revive people, referring to Zhang Zhongjing’s *Shanghan Lun*. Zhu and Li knew of Zhang but didn’t reach his depth. In the first year of Zhengtong, I met Liu Zishan in Beijing, who corrected *Baiwen Shu*. Returning south, I showed it to Zhao Jingyuan. Liu’s corrections were thorough. Zhang’s text has many errors due to long transmission. Zhu missed textual and symptomatic nuances. Many lost works existed since Han/Wei. I displayed several useful books: Guo Baiyun’s *Shanghan Bumang*, Pang Anchang’s *Zubing Lun*, Han Zhihe’s *Weizhi*, Yang Renzhai’s *Shanghan Leishu*, Wang Shi’s *Zhengzhi*, Chang Qizhi, Yang Dashou. These benefit Zhang’s study but are unknown in Southeast. Zhao also wrote *Shanghan Lili* but hid it. In winter of Gengyin, ill for months, I read Cheng’s *Mingli Lun* (50 syndromes), finding it detailed but incomplete. I collected observations, classified them, and wrote *Mingli Xulun* to aid memory, not for publication. Zhu’s work, despite effort, faced criticism. Mine relies on ancient teachings. May beginners find value. I record this at the beginning.
*Hangzhou Fuzhi* records: Tao Hua, courtesy name Shangwen, from Yuhang. Had miraculous cures. A patient swallowed lamb meat and waded in water, causing chest obstruction. Disciples asked for treatment. Tao prescribed one qian of arsenic. Disciples doubted, tried other drugs unsuccessfully. Patient took arsenic, vomited, and recovered. Asked how poison cures, Tao explained lamb blood neutralizes arsenic toxicity; lamb meat induces vomiting with arsenic, and arsenic loses lethality with lamb. Later, he cured typhoid instantly with one dose, gaining fame. However, he demanded heavy bribes, leading to criticism. His six books include *Suoyan*, *Jiami*, *Shechezhui Fa*, *Jiejiang Wang*, *Yitijin*, and *Mingli Xulun*. He is considered the foremost physician after Zhang Zhongjing.
[Ba Yingkui's *Yingkui Shanghan Mingli Bulun*] Four volumes, extant.
[Min Zhiqing's *Shanghan Mingli Lun Shanbu*] Four volumes, extant.
Preface: Yellow Emperor and Qibo understood medical classics, describing meridian transmission, sweating/purging methods, and recovery timelines in days, covering general rules. Variations are countless, beyond *Neijing*. Heaven sent Zhang Zhongjing to reveal secrets, differentiate yin/yang onset, expand classic theories, and create formulas to benefit people. His logic is unified and comprehensive. However, profound teachings are concise and hard to fathom. Cheng Wuji rose to study deeply, creating explanations...