言焉。集贤孙公得其本而善之。邦计之暇。命官校正。募工镂板。以广其传。盖仁者之用心也。夫病未
必能杀人。药之杀人多矣。而世之医者。不复究知根性之温凉。功用之缓急。妄意增减。用以治病。不幸而危殆
者。时盖有之。兹何异操矛而刺人于衽席之上哉。傥能研思于此。因书以究其说。即图以验其物。与审方以求其
效。则不待七十毒而后知药。三折臂而后知医矣。然则是书之传。其利于世也。顾不博哉。慎微姓唐。不知为何
许人。传其书。失其邑里族氏。故不及载云。大观二年十月朔通仕郎行杭州仁和县尉管勾学事艾晟序。
赵与时曰。唐慎微蜀州晋原人。世为医。深于经方。一时知名。元 间师李端伯招之居成都。尝着经史证类
备急本草三十二卷。盛行于世。而艾晟序其书。谓慎微不知何许人。故为表出。蜀今为崇庆府。(宾退录)
赵希弁曰。证类本草三十二卷。古皇朝唐慎微纂。合两本草为一书。且集书传所记单方附之于本条之下。殊
为详博。
陈振孙曰。大观本草三十一卷。唐慎微撰。不知何人。仁和县尉艾晟作序曰。经史证类本草。案本草之名始
见汉书。平帝纪楼护传。旧经止一卷。药三百六十五种。陶隐居增名医别录。亦三百六十五种。因注释为七卷。
唐显庆又增一百十四种。广为二十卷。谓之唐本草。开宝中又益一百三十三种。蜀孟昶又尝增益。谓之蜀本草。
及嘉 中掌禹锡林亿等重加校正。更为补注。以朱墨书为之别。凡新旧药一千八十二种。盖亦备矣。今慎微类复有
所增益。而以墨盖其名物之上。然亦殊不多也。李时珍曰。宋徽宗大观二年。蜀医唐慎微取嘉 补注本草及图经
本草合为一书。复拾唐本草陈藏器本草孟铣食疗本草旧本所遗者五百余种。附入各部。并
增五种。仍采雷公炮炙及唐本食疗陈藏器诸说。收未尽者。附于各条之后。又采古今单方。并经史百家之书。上
之朝廷。改名大观本草。慎微貌寝陋。而学该博。使诸家本草及各药单方。垂之千古不致沦没者。皆其功也。
按先子曰。金皇统三年。宇文虚中跋云。元 间虚中为儿童时。先人感风毒之疾。慎微疗之。乃为哲宗时人
明矣。李东璧以为大观二年所着误也。艾晟序称不知何许人。若是同时。其言如此乎。今证类首卷载林希序。此
艾晟所附。非慎微之旧也。本事方载剪草治吐血劳瘵方曰乡人艾孚先。尝说此事。渠后作大观本草。亦收入集中。
孚先当是晟字。
〔重修政和经史证类备用本草〕三十卷 存
曹孝忠序曰。成周六典。列医师于天官。聚毒药以共医事。盖虽治道绪余。仁民爱物之意寓焉。圣人有不
能后也。国朝阐神农书。康济斯民。嘉 中两命儒臣图经补注。训义剖治。亦已详矣。而重熙累洽。文物滋盛。
士之闻见益广。视前世书犹可缉熙而赓续者。蜀人唐慎微近以医术称。因本草旧经。衍以证类。医方之外。旁摭
经史。至仙经道书。下逮百家之说。兼收并录。其义明。其理博。览之者可以洞达。臣因侍燕间亲奉玉音。以谓
此书实可垂济。乃诏节使臣杨戬总工刊写。继又命臣校正而润色之。臣仰惟睿圣当天。慈仁在宥。诞振三坟。跻
民寿域。肇设学校。俾革俗弊。复诏天下进以奇方善术。将为圣济经以幸天下万世。臣以匪才。叨列是职。兢临
渊谷。而证类本草。诚为治病之总括。又得以厘而正之。荣幸深矣。谨奉明诏。钦帅官联。朝夕讲究。删繁缉紊。
务底厥理。诸有援引误谬。则断以经传。字画鄙俚。则正以字说。余或讹戾淆互缮录之不当者。又复随笔刊
正。无虑数千。遂完然为成书。凡六十余万言。请目以政和新修经史证类备用本草云。政和六年九月一日。中卫
大夫康州防御使句当龙德宫总辖修建明堂所医药提举入内医官编类圣济经提举大医学臣曹孝忠谨序。
宇文虚中跋曰。唐慎微字审元。成都华阳人。貌寝陋。举措语言朴讷。而中极明敏。其治病百不失一。一语
证候。不过数言。再问之辄怒不应。其于人不以贵贱。有所召必往。寒暑雨雪不避也。其为士人疗病。不取一钱。
但以名方秘录为请。以此士人尤喜之。每于经史诸书中得一药名一方论。必录以告。遂集为此书。尚书左丞蒲公
传正欲以执政恩例奏与一官。拒而不受。其二子五十一五十四。(偶忘其名)及婿张宗说。字岩老。皆传其艺。
为成都名医。元 间虚中为儿童时。先人感风毒之病。审元疗之如神。又手缄一书。约曰某年月日即启封。至期
旧恙复作。取所封开视之。则所录三方,第一疗风毒再作。第二疗风毒上攻。气促欲作喘嗽。如其言以次第饵之。
半月良愈。其神妙若此。皇统三年九月望成都宇文虚中书。
麻革序曰。自古人俞穴针石之法不大传。而后世亦鲜有得其妙者。遂专用汤液丸粒理疾。至于刳肠剖臆。
刮骨续筋之神奇。以为别术所得。终非神农家事。维圣哲审证以制方,因方而见药。故方家言盛行。而神农之经
不可一朝而舍也。其书大抵源于神农氏。自神农氏而下名本草者。固非一家。又有所谓唐本蜀本者。迄于有宋政
和间。天子留意生人。乃命宏儒名医。诠定诸家之说。为之图绘。使人验其草木根茎花实之微。与夫玉石金土虫
鱼飞走之状。以辨其药之真赝。而易知。为之类例。使人别其物产风气之殊宜。君臣
佐使之异用。甘辛咸苦酸之异味。温凉寒热缓急。有毒无毒之不同。而易见。其书始大备而加察焉。行于中州者。
旧有解人庞氏本。兵烟荡析之余。所存无几。故人罕得恣窥。今平阳张君魏卿。惜其浸遂湮坠。乃命工刻梓。实
因庞氏本仍附以寇氏衍义。比之旧本益备而加察焉。书成过余。属为序引。余谓人之所甚重者生也。卫生之资所
甚急者药也。药之考订。使无以乙乱丙。误用妄投之失者。神农家书也。开卷之际。指掌斯见。政如止水鉴形。
洪钟答响。顾安所逃遁其形声哉。养老慈幼之家。固当家置一本。况业医者之流乎。然其论著自深。陶隐居唐宋
以来诸人备矣。余言其赘乎。世固有无用之学。无益之书。余特嘉张君爱物之周。用心之勤。能为是大有益之书
以暨群生。以图永久。非若世之市儿贩夫。侥幸目前。规规然专以利为也。故喜闻而乐道之。君讳存惠。字魏卿。
岁己酉中秋望日贴溪麻革信之序。
刘祁跋曰。余读沈明远寓简称范文正公微时。慷慨语其友曰。吾读书学道。要为宰辅。得时行道。可以活天
下之命。时不我与。则当读黄帝书。深究医家奥旨。是亦可以活人也。未尝不三复其言。而大其有济世志。又读
苏眉山题东皋于传后云。人之至乐。莫若身无病而心无忧。我则无是二者。然人之有是者。接于予前则予安得全
其乐乎。故所至当蓄善药。有求者则与之。而尤喜酿酒以饮客。或曰。子无病而多蓄药。不饮而多酿酒。劳己以
为人何哉。予笑曰。病者得药。吾为之体轻。饮者得酒。吾为之酣适。岂专以自为也。亦未尝不三复其言。而仁
其用心。嗟乎。古之大人君子之量。何其弘也。亦士之生世。惟当以济人利物为事。达则有达而济人利物之事。
所谓执朝廷大政。进贤退邪。兴利除
害。以泽天下是也。穷则有穷而济人利物之事。所谓居闾里间。传道授学。急难救疾。化一乡一邑是也。要为有
补于世。有益于民者。庶几乎兼善之义。顾岂以未得位也。遽泛然忘斯世而弃斯民哉。若夫医者为切身一大事。
且有及物之功。语曰。人而无恒。不可以作巫医。又曰。子之所慎斋战疾。康子馈药。子曰。丘未达。不敢尝。
余尝论之。是术也。在吾道中虽名为方伎。非圣人贤者所专精。然舍而不学。则于仁义忠孝有缺。许世子止不先
尝药。春秋书以弑君。故曰为人子者。不可不知医。惧其忽于亲之疾也。况乎此身受气于天地。受形于父母。自
幼及老。将以率其本然之性。充其固有之心。如或遇时行道。使万物皆得其所。措六合于太和中。以毕其为人之
事。而一旦有疾。懵不知所以疗之。伏枕呻吟。付之庸医手而生死一听焉。亦未可以言智也。故自神农黄帝雷公
岐伯以来。名卿才大夫。往往究心于医。若汉之淳于意张仲景。晋之葛洪殷浩。齐之褚澄。梁之陶弘景皆精焉。
唐陆贽斥忠州纂集方书。而苏沈二公良方。至今传世。是则吾侪以从正讲学余隙。而于此乎搜研。亦不为无用也。
余自幼多病。数与医者语。故于医家书颇尝涉猎。在淮阳时。尝手节本草一帙。辨药性大纲。以为是书通天地间
玉石草木禽兽虫鱼万物性味。在儒者不可不知。又饮食服饵禁忌。尤不可不察。亦穷理之一事也。后居大梁。得
闲阅赵公家素问善本。其上有公标注。夤缘一读。深有所得。丧乱以来。旧学芜废。二书亦失去。尝谓他日安居
讲学。论著外当留意摄生。今岁游平水。会郡人张存惠魏卿介吾友弋吕唐佐来。言其家重刊证类本草已出。及增
入宋人寇宗 衍义。完焉新书。求为序引。因为书其后。己酉中秋日
云中刘祁云。大德丙午岁仲冬望日平水许宅印。晦明轩记曰。此书世行久矣。诸家因革不同。今取证类本尤善者
为窠模。增以寇氏衍义别本中论方多者悉为补入。又有本经别录。先附分条之类。其数旧多差互。今亦考正。凡
药有异名者。取其俗称注之目录各条下。俾读者易识。如蚤休云紫河车。假苏云荆芥之类是也。图像失真者。据
所尝见皆更写之。如竹分淡苦堇三种。食盐着古今二法之类是也。字画谬误。殊关利害。如升斗疽疸上下千十未
末之类。无虑千数。或证以别本。质以诸书。悉为厘正。疑者阙之。敬俟来哲。仍广其脊行。以便缀缉。庶历久
不坏。其间致力极意。诸所营制。难以具载。不敢一毫苟简。与旧本颇异。故目之曰重修。天下名贤士夫。以旧
鉴新自知矣。泰和甲子夏己酉冬日南至晦明轩谨记。
天禄琳琅书目曰。重修政和经史证类备用本草二函。二十四册。此书卷首有金泰和甲子刊书本记。别无序
文。其自嘉 以前所有本草诸序。皆载于卷一中。名为序例。而嘉 间禹锡等进书奉敕。又列于书末。不入卷中。
其体例殊不尽一。盖因宋金元明。辗转重刊。互有改易故也。按马端临文献通考。载证类本草三十二卷。述晁公
武读书志云云。慎微合两本草为一书。且集书传所单记单方附之于本条之末。所谓两本草者。一名补注神农本草。
一名图经本草。皆掌禹锡等先后奉敕所编。补注进于嘉 之初。图经进于嘉 之末。此书犹载两次奉敕于后。则
慎微蓝本于此可见。茅考慎微此书前后称名亦复不一。陈氏书录解题载大观本草三十一卷。称为唐慎微撰。又称
仁和县艾晟作序。名曰经史证类本草。是合大观本草与证类本草为一也。马端临文献通考则载大观本草
三十一卷于前。又载证类本草三十二卷于后。而于大观本草下列陈振孙所称艾晟作序。名曰证类之名。则虽名分
别而实复混同。惟宋史艺文志直载大观经史证类备急本草三十二卷。两名始并为一名矣。照诸书但及大观之名。
而总无政和之号目。皆称三十二卷。或称三十一卷。而此本独三十卷。并以重修政和标题。又备用之。称与宋史
备急之名互异。以卷首金泰和甲子刊书木记证之。是明时别据泰和刊本重刊行也。不以宋椠为准。故卷数标题。
各有盈缩异同也。况宇文虚中所作书后。明言慎微字审元。成都华阳人。治病百不失一。不取一钱。但以名方秘
录为请。以此士人喜之。得一药名一方论。必录以告云云。而文献通考所引书录解题。乃云慎微不知何人。考宋
史虚中字叔通。成都华阳人。大观三年进士。建炎二年。应诏为祈请使。使金不归。受官至翰林学士知制诰兼太
常卿。封河内郡开国公。金人号为国师。据此则虚中本与慎微同乡。故能详其始末。又知其书。复经政和间奉
敕校刊。在大观者而非定本。故又题为政和。而分卷则三十耳。虚中使金。与宋隔绝。所作书后金又刻之。而宋
人初未之见。故谓慎微不知何人也。
四库全书提要曰。证类本草三十卷。宋唐慎微撰。案陈振孙书录解题。载此书三十卷。名大观本草。晁公武
读书志。则作证类本草三十二卷。亦题唐慎微撰。是宋时已有两本矣。玉海载绍兴二十七年八月十五日。王继先
上校定大观本草三十二卷,释音一卷。诏秘书省修润付胄监镂板行之。则南宋且有官本。然皆未见其原刊。今行
于世者。亦有两本。一为明万历丁丑翻刻。元大德壬寅宗文书院本。前有大观二年仁和县尉艾晟序。称其书三十
一卷。目录一卷。陈氏
所见盖此本。故题曰大观本草。一为明成化戊子翻刻。金泰和甲子晦明轩本。前有宋政和六年提举医学曹孝忠
序。称钦奉玉音使臣杨戬总工刊写。继又命孝忠校正润色之。其改称政和本草。盖由于此。实一书也。书末又有
金皇统三年翰林学士宇文虚中跋。称慎微始末。述之甚明。盖建靖以后。内府图籍。悉入于金。故陈振孙未见此
(艾晟)写道。集贤孙公得到了这本书的底本并加以推崇。他在处理国家财政事务的闲暇之余,命令官员进行校勘校正,招募工匠雕刻印版,以广泛传播此书。这大概是仁者的一片用心啊。疾病未必能杀人,但药物致人死亡的情况却很多。然而世间的医生,不再探究药性的温凉、功效的缓急,随意增减药味来治病,不幸导致病情危重危险的,时常有发生。这难道不同于在坐卧之处拿着长矛刺人吗?如果能对此深入思考研究,通过著书来探究其理论,通过图谱来验证药物实物,通过审察方剂来求取疗效,那么就不必等到尝遍七十种毒药之后才知道药性,不必等到三次折断手臂之后才知道医术了。既然如此,这本书的传播,对世人的利益,难道不是非常广博吗?唐慎微姓唐,不知是哪里人。流传他的书,遗失了他的籍贯和家族姓氏,所以不及记载。大观二年十月初一,通仕郎、行杭州仁和县尉、管勾学事艾晟作序。
赵与时说:唐慎微是蜀州晋原人,世代行医,精通经方,在当时很有名望。元祐年间,李端伯招请他居住在成都。他曾撰写《经史证类备急本草》三十二卷,在世间广泛流行。而艾晟为他的书作序,称不知道唐慎微是哪里人,所以我特意为他表明身世。(出自《宾退录》)
赵希弁说:《证类本草》三十二卷,由前朝唐慎微编纂。他将两部本草合并为一书,并且将书籍传记中记载的单方附在本条之下,非常详细广博。
陈振孙说:《大观本草》三十一卷,由唐慎微撰写,不知是何人。仁和县尉艾晟作序说:《经史证类本草》,案“本草”之名始见于《汉书·平帝纪》和《楼护传》。旧有的本草只有一卷,收录药物三百六十五种。陶隐居增补《名医别录》,也是三百六十五种,于是注释为七卷。唐代显庆年间又增加一百一十四种,扩充为二十卷,称为《唐本草》。开宝年间又增加一百三十三种。蜀地孟昶也曾增益,称为《蜀本草》。到了嘉祐年间,掌禹锡、林亿等人重新加以校正,更行补注,用朱墨两色书写以示区别。新旧药物共一千零八十二种,也算完备了。现在唐慎微的分类又有增益,并用黑字盖住其名物之上,但也并不太多。李时珍说:宋徽宗大观二年,蜀医唐慎微将嘉祐补注本草及图经本草合为一书,又拾取《唐本草》、《陈藏器本草》、《孟铣食疗本草》旧本所遗漏的五百多种药物,附入各部,并增加五种。同时采集雷公炮炙法以及唐代食疗、陈藏器等人的学说,收集未尽的内容,附在各条之后。又采集古今单方,以及经史百家之书,进呈朝廷,改名为《大观本草》。唐慎微相貌丑陋,但学识渊博广博,使诸家本草及各药单方得以流传千古不致沦没,都是他的功劳。
按:先父曾说:金皇统三年,宇文虚中写跋语说:元祐年间,宇文虚中还是儿童时,父亲感染了风毒之疾,唐慎微治疗了他,这样看来唐慎微显然是哲宗时期的人。李东璧认为是在大观二年所著,这是错误的。艾晟的序言称不知道他是哪里人,如果是同时代的人,怎么会这样说呢?现在《证类》首卷载有林希的序,这是艾晟附加的,并非唐慎微原有的。《本事方》记载剪草治吐血劳瘵方时说:乡人艾孚先曾讲述此事,他后来编写《大观本草》,也收入集中。艾孚先应该就是艾晟的字。
〔重修政和经史证类备用本草〕三十卷 存
曹孝忠序说:周朝的六典,在天官中列有医师一职,聚集毒药以从事医疗事务。这虽然是治国之道的余绪,但仁爱百姓、爱惜万物的心意蕴含其中。圣人也不能落后于这种心意。本朝阐发神农之书,以安康救济百姓,嘉祐年间两次命令儒臣绘制图经并补注,训释义理剖析治理,也已经很详尽了。然而随着国运昌盛累加,文物日益繁盛,士人的见闻更加广博,看待前代的书籍,仍然可以继续整理和延续。蜀人唐慎微最近以医术著称,因此依据本草旧经,衍展以证类之法,在医方之外,旁征博引经史,甚至仙经道书,下至百家之说,兼收并录。其义理明确,其道理广博,阅读的人可以透彻理解。我因侍奉闲暇,亲自奉受皇上圣旨,认为这本书确实可以流传以济世,于是诏令节度使杨戬总领工程刊刻书写,继而又命令我进行校正润色。我仰慕皇上睿智神圣顺应天命,慈爱仁慈包容天下,振兴三坟古书,使百姓进入长寿之境,创办学校,革除世俗弊端,又诏令天下进献奇方善术,将要编纂《圣济经》以造福天下万世。我凭借平庸之才,忝列此职,如临深渊,战战兢兢。而《证类本草》,确实是治病的总括,又能得以厘清纠正,深感荣幸。谨遵明诏,恭敬遵循同僚,朝夕研究探讨,删减繁杂整理混乱,务必达到其真理。所有援引错误谬误的地方,则以经传断正;笔画粗俗鄙陋的地方,则以《字说》校正;其余如有讹误错乱混杂抄录不当的,又再次随手刊正。无虑数千处,于是完整成为定本。凡六十多万字,请求命名为《政和新修经史证类备用本草》。政和六年九月初一,中卫大夫、康州防御使、句当龙德宫总辖、修建明堂所医药提举、入内医官、编类圣济经提举大医学臣曹孝忠谨序。
宇文虚中跋语说:唐慎微字审元,成都华阳人。相貌丑陋,举止语言朴实迟钝,但内心极其聪明敏捷。他治病百无一失,诊断证候只需几句话,再问他就生气不回答。他对人不分贵贱,只要有所召唤必定前往,寒暑雨雪都不回避。他为士人治病,不收一分钱,只要求得到名方秘录作为交换,因此士人特别喜欢他。每当他在经史诸书中发现一个药名或一方论,必定记录下来告诉他,于是集成了这本书。尚书左丞蒲传正想以执政的恩例奏请授予他一个官职,他拒绝不接受。他的两个儿子五岁和十一岁(忘记名字了)以及女婿张宗说,字岩老,都传承了他的技艺,成为成都的名医。元祐年间,宇文虚中还是儿童时,父亲感染风毒之病,唐审元治疗得神妙无比。又亲手封缄一封信,约定说某年某月某日即启封。到期旧病复发,取出所封的信打开看,则是记录的三个方子:第一治疗风毒再发,第二治疗风毒上攻,气促欲作喘嗽。按照他的话依次服用,半个月痊愈。其神妙如此。皇统三年九月十五日,成都宇文虚中书。
麻革序说:自古以来,关于人体俞穴针石的方法没有广泛流传,后世也很少有人得其奥妙。于是专门使用汤液丸粒来调理疾病。至于剖肠剖腹、刮骨续筋的神奇效果,被认为是其他技术所得,终究不是神农家的事业。只有圣哲之人审察证候以制定方剂,根据方剂而显现药物,所以方家之言盛行,而神农的经典不可一天舍弃。这本书大致源于神农氏,自神农氏以下名为本草的,本来就不止一家,又有所谓《唐本草》、《蜀本草》等,直到宋代政和年间,天子留意民生,于是命令宏儒名医,诠定诸家之说,为之绘图描绘,使人验证草木根茎花实的细微,以及玉石金土虫鱼飞走的形态,以辨别药物的真伪,使之容易知晓。为之分类条例,使人分别物产风气的殊异适宜,君臣佐使的不同用法,甘辛咸苦酸的不同味道,温凉寒热缓急的不同,有毒无毒的不同,使之容易看见。这本书才开始大大完备并加以考察。在中州流行的,旧有解人庞氏本,经过兵火战乱分散之后,留存无几,所以人们很少有机会尽情窥探。现在平阳张君魏卿,可惜它逐渐湮灭坠落,于是命工匠刻梓印刷,实际上是依据庞氏本,仍附上寇氏《衍义》,比起旧本更加完备并加以考察。书成后经过我这里,嘱咐我为其作序引。我认为人所非常重视的是生命,保养生命的资源中最急切的是药物。考证订正药物,使其不以乙乱丙,避免误用妄投的过失,这是神农家的书籍。翻开书卷之际,指掌之间就能看见,就像止水照形,洪钟回应声响,怎么能逃避其形声呢?养老慈幼的家庭,固然应当家家置备一本,何况是从事医疗行业的人呢?然而它的论述自然深刻,陶隐居唐宋以来诸人的著作都很完备了。我的话多余吗?世上本来有无用的学问,无益的书籍,我特别赞赏张君爱护万物周全,用心勤奋,能够作成这样大有益处的书籍以惠及众生,谋求永久,不像世上的市井小儿贩夫,侥幸眼前利益,拘谨地专门为了利润。所以喜欢听闻并乐于述说。张君名存惠,字魏卿。己酉年中秋望日,贴溪麻革信之作序。
刘祁跋语说:我读沈明远的《寓简》,记载范文正公微贱时,慷慨地对朋友说:我读书学道,一定要做宰辅,得时行道,可以拯救天下人的性命。如果时运不与我,那么就应当读黄帝书,深究医家奥旨,这也同样可以救人。我不止一次反复诵读这些话,并赞叹他有济世的志向。又读苏东坡题写在《东皋子传》后的文字说:人之最大的快乐,莫过于身体无病而心中无忧。我没有这两种情况。然而别人拥有这两种情况,出现在我面前,我怎么能够保全我的快乐呢?所以每到一处应当储备好药,有人求取就给他,而且特别喜欢酿酒来招待客人。有人说:你没有病却多储药,不喝酒却多酿酒,劳累自己为了别人为什么呢?我笑着说:病人得到药,我替他感到身体轻松;饮酒者得到酒,我替他感到酣畅舒适。难道专门是为了自己吗?我也不止一次反复诵读这些话,并赞叹他的用心仁爱。唉!古代大人君子的度量,何其宏大啊!也是士人生于世,只应当以济人利物为事业。显达时有显达时济人利物的事情,所谓执掌朝廷大政,进用贤才排斥奸邪,兴利除害,以恩泽天下。困穷时有困穷时济人利物的事情,所谓居住在乡里间,传道授业,急难救疾,教化一乡一邑。总之要有补于世,有益于民,差不多符合兼善天下的意义。难道因为没有得到职位,就突然漠然忘记这个世界而抛弃百姓吗?至于医生是切身的一大事情,而且有及物之功。俗话说:人如果没有恒心,不可以做巫医。又说:孔子所谨慎的事包括斋戒、战争、疾病。康子送药,孔子说:我不了解药性,不敢尝。我曾经评论过,这门技艺,在我们儒家之道中虽然名为方伎,不是圣人贤者所专精的,但如果舍弃不学,那么在仁义忠孝上就有缺失。许世子止不先尝药,《春秋》记载他弑君,所以说为人子女者,不可以不知道医,害怕他们忽视父母的疾病。况且这身体受气于天地,受形于父母,从小到老,将要率领其本然的性情,充实其固有的心性,如果遇到时机行道,使万物都各得其所,将六合置于太和之中,以完成做人的事情,而一旦生病,懵懂不知道如何治疗,伏枕呻吟,交给庸医手里生死听天由命,也不可以说是有智慧。所以自神农、黄帝、雷公、岐伯以来,名卿才大夫,往往用心于医学,如汉代的淳于意、张仲景,晋代的葛洪、殷浩,齐代的褚澄,梁代的陶弘景都精通于此。唐代陆贽被贬忠州时纂集方书,而苏东坡、沈括二公的《良方》,至今传世。这是我们这些人以从正讲学的余暇,而在此处搜研探讨,也不算无用。我从小多病,多次与医生交谈,所以对医家书籍颇曾涉猎。在淮阳时,曾经手抄节选本草一册,辨明药性大纲,认为这本书通晓天地间玉石草木禽兽虫鱼万物性味,在儒者中不可不知,又饮食服饵禁忌,尤其不可不考察,这也是穷究物理的一件事。后来居住在大梁,得到闲时阅读赵公家的《素问》善本,上面有赵公的标注,趁机一读,深有收获。丧乱以来,旧学荒废,这两本书也失去了。曾经谓他日安居讲学,论著之外应当留意养生。今年游览平水,恰逢郡人张存惠魏卿介吾友弋吕唐佐前来,说他家重刊《证类本草》已经出版,并增入宋人寇宗奭《衍义》,完整的新书,求我为其作序引,于是写了这篇后记。己酉年中秋日,云中刘祁云。大德丙午岁仲冬望日,平水许宅印。晦明轩记说:这本书世间流传很久了,诸家因袭变革不同,现在取证类本中尤好的作为底模,增入寇氏《衍义》别本中论方多的全部补入。又有《本经》、《别录》,先前附分条之类,其数量旧时多有差错互异,现在也考证纠正。凡药物有异名的,取其俗称注在目录各条下,使读者容易识别,如蚤休称为紫河车,假苏称为荆芥之类就是。图像失真的,根据所看到的都重新绘制,如竹分淡竹、苦竹、堇竹三种,食盐着古今二法之类就是。字画谬误,关系利害极大,如升斗疽疸上下千十未末之类,无虑数千处,或者参照别本,质询诸书,全部厘清纠正,有疑问的缺漏以待来哲。仍加宽书脊以便缀辑,希望历经久远不损坏。其中致力极意,各种营制,难以全部记载,不敢有一丝苟且简化,与旧本颇有不同,所以命名为重修。天下名贤士夫,以旧鉴新自知矣。泰和甲子夏己酉冬日南至晦明轩谨记。
天禄琳琅书目说:《重修政和经史证类备用本草》二函,二十四册。这本书卷首有金泰和甲子刊书本记,别无序文。其自嘉祐以前所有的本草诸序,都载于卷一中,名为序例,而嘉祐年间禹锡等人进书奉敕,又列于书末,不入卷中。其体例并不完全统一,大概是因为宋金元明辗转重刊,互有改易的缘故。按马端临《文献通考》,记载《证类本草》三十二卷,叙述晁公武《读书志》云云。唐慎微将两部本草合并为一书,并且将书籍传记中单独记载的单方附在本条之末。所谓两部本草,一名《补注神农本草》,一名《图经本草》,都是掌禹锡等人先后奉敕所编。《补注》进呈于嘉祐初年,《图经》进呈于嘉祐末年。这本书还记载两次奉敕于后,则唐慎微的蓝本于此可见。茅坤考证唐慎微这本书前后名称也不一致。陈振孙《书录解题》记载《大观本草》三十一卷,称为唐慎微撰,又称仁和县艾晟作序,名为《经史证类本草》,这是将《大观本草》与《证类本草》合为一书。马端临《文献通考》则在前记载《大观本草》三十一卷,又在后记载《证类本草》三十二卷,而在《大观本草》下列陈振孙所称艾晟作序,名为《证类》之名,则虽然名称分别而实际又混同。只有《宋史·艺文志》直接记载《大观经史证类备急本草》三十二卷,两名始并为一名。查看诸书只提及大观之名,而总无政和之号目,都称三十二卷,或称三十一卷,而这个版本独独三十卷,并以重修政和标题,又以备用之称与宋史备急之名互异。以卷首金泰和甲子刊书木记证明,是明代另外依据泰和刊本重刊行世。不以宋椠为准,所以卷数标题各有盈缩异同。况且宇文虚中所作书后,明确说明唐慎微字审元,成都华阳人,治病百无一失,不收钱,只以名方秘录为请,因此士人喜欢他,得一药名一方论,必定记录告诉他云云。而《文献通考》所引《书录解题》,竟然说唐慎微不知何人。考《宋史》,宇文虚中字叔通,成都华阳人,大观三年进士,建炎二年,应诏为祈请使,出使金国不归,受官至翰林学士知制诰兼太常卿,封河内郡开国公,金人号为国师。据此则宇文虚中本来与唐慎微同乡,所以能详知其始末,又知道他的书,又经过政和间奉敕校刊,在大观时期的并非定本,所以又题为政和,而分卷则为三十卷。宇文虚中出使金国,与宋朝隔绝,所作书后在金国又刻之,而宋人起初并未见到,所以说唐慎微不知何人也。
四库全书提要说:《证类本草》三十卷,宋唐慎微撰。案陈振孙《书录解题》,记载此书三十卷,名为《大观本草》,晁公武《读书志》,则作《证类本草》三十二卷,也题唐慎微撰,是宋代已有两本了。《玉海》记载绍兴二十七年八月十五日,王继先上校定《大观本草》三十二卷,释音一卷,诏秘书省修润付胄监镂板行之,则南宋且有官本,然而都没有见到其原刊。今行于世的,也有两本。一为明万历丁丑翻刻,元大德壬寅宗文书院本,前有《大观二年》仁和县尉艾晟序,称其书三十一卷,目录一卷,陈氏所见大概是这个版本,所以题曰《大观本草》。一为明成化戊子翻刻,金泰和甲子晦明轩本,前有宋政和六年提举医学曹孝忠序,称钦奉玉音使臣杨戬总工刊写,继又命孝忠校正润色之,其改称《政和本草》,大概是由于此。实为一书。书末又有金皇统三年翰林学士宇文虚中跋,称唐慎微始末,述之甚明。大概在建炎靖康以后,内府图籍,悉入于金,故陈振孙未见此
(Wang) wrote. Master Sun of Jixian obtained the original manuscript of this book and esteemed it highly. In his leisure time from handling state financial affairs, he ordered officials to collate and correct it, recruited craftsmen to carve printing blocks, in order to widely disseminate this work. This is likely the intention of a benevolent person. Illnesses do not necessarily kill people, but medicines kill many. Yet doctors of the world no longer investigate the warming or cooling nature of drugs, nor the gradual or urgent efficacy, but arbitrarily add or subtract ingredients to treat diseases. Unfortunately, cases where patients become critically endangered occur frequently. Is this not different from holding a spear and stabbing someone while they are sitting or lying down? If one could study and reflect on this, writing books to explore its theories, using illustrations to verify medicinal substances, and examining prescriptions to seek their effects, then one would not need to taste seventy kinds of poisonous herbs to understand medicine, nor break one's arm three times to become a doctor. Thus, the dissemination of this book, its benefit to the world, is indeed extensive. Tang Shenwei surnamed Tang, was unknown as to where he was from. His book was transmitted, but his native place and clan lineage were lost, so they are not recorded here. On the first day of the tenth month of the second year of Daguang (1108 AD), Ai Sheng, Tongshi Lang, Acting County Magistrate of Renhe County, Hangzhou, and Manager of Educational Affairs, wrote the preface.
Zhao Yu Shi said: Tang Shenwei was from Jinyuan, Shuzhou. His family practiced medicine for generations. He was deeply versed in classical formulas and was well-known at the time. During the Yuanyou era, Li Duanbo invited him to reside in Chengdu. He once compiled *Jingshi Zhenglei Beiji Bencao* (Classified Materia Medica Based on Classics and Histories for Emergency Use) in thirty-two volumes, which circulated widely in the world. However, Ai Sheng's preface to his book stated that he did not know where Tang Shenwei was from; therefore, I have specially clarified his background. (From *Bin Tui Lu*)
Zhao Xibian said: *Zhenglei Bencao* (Classified Materia Medica) in thirty-two volumes was compiled by Tang Shenwei of the former dynasty. He combined two materia medica texts into one book and attached single prescriptions recorded in various books and histories to the end of their respective entries, making it extremely detailed and comprehensive.
Chen Zhen Sun said: *Daguang Bencao* (Daguang Materia Medica) in thirty-one volumes was written by Tang Shenwei, whose identity is unknown. The County Magistrate of Renhe County, Ai Sheng, wrote in the preface: The term "Bencao" (Materia Medica) first appeared in the *Book of Han*, specifically in the *Annals of Emperor Ping* and the *Biography of Lou Hu*. The original classic consisted of only one volume containing 365 types of drugs. Tao Hongjing added the *Bie Lu* (Supplementary Records) of Famous Doctors, also comprising 365 types, and annotated them into seven volumes. During the Xianqing era of the Tang Dynasty, 114 more types were added, expanding it to twenty volumes, known as *Tang Bencao* (Tang Materia Medica). During the Kaibao era, another 133 types were added. Meng Chang of Shu also made additions, known as *Shu Bencao* (Shu Materia Medica). During the Jiayou era, Zhang Yuxi, Lin Yi, and others re-collated and supplemented the annotations, distinguishing new and old drugs with red and black ink respectively. There were 1,082 types of new and old drugs in total, which was quite complete. Now, Tang Shenwei's classification has further additions, marking names and objects with black ink, though not excessively. Li Shizhen said: In the second year of Daguang under Emperor Huizong of Song, the Shu physician Tang Shenwei combined the Jiayou supplemented materia medica and the *Tu Jing Bencao* (Illustrated Materia Medica) into one book. He retrieved over 500 types of drugs omitted from the old editions of *Tang Bencao*, *Chen Cangqi Bencao*, and *Meng Xian Shiliao Bencao* (Meng Xian's Dietary Therapy Materia Medica), attaching them to their respective sections, and added five more. He also collected Lei Gong's processing methods, as well as theories from Tang dietary therapy and Chen Cangqi, appending incomplete records to each entry. He gathered ancient and modern single prescriptions and books from classics, histories, and various schools of thought, presenting them to the court, renaming it *Daguang Bencao*. Tang Shenwei had an unattractive appearance but possessed profound and broad learning. His merit lies in ensuring that various families of materia medica and single prescriptions for each drug would not be lost to history.
Note: My father once said: In the third year of Huangtong (Jin Dynasty), Yuwen Xuzhong wrote a postscript stating: During the Yuanyou era, when Yuwen Xuzhong was a child, his father suffered from a wind-toxin disease, which Tang Shenwei treated. Thus, it is clear that Tang Shenwei was a person during the reign of Emperor Zhezong. Li Dongbi (Li Shizhen) believed it was authored in the second year of Daguang, which is incorrect. Ai Sheng's preface claims ignorance of Tang Shenwei's origin; if they were contemporaries, how could he say such things? Currently, the first volume of *Zhenglei* contains a preface by Lin Xi, which was appended by Ai Sheng and is not part of Tang Shenwei's original work. *Benshi Fang* (Prescriptions from Personal Experience) records a prescription for treating hematemesis and consumption using a cutting herb, stating: A fellow townsman, Ai Fuxian, once narrated this story. He later compiled *Daguang Bencao* and included it in the collection. Ai Fuxian was likely the courtesy name of Ai Sheng.
*[Revised Zhenghe Jingshi Zhenglei Beiyong Bencao]* Thirty Volumes. Extant.
Cao Xiaozhong wrote the preface: The Six Canons of Zhou established the position of Physician within the Ministry of Heaven, gathering toxic drugs to serve medical affairs. Although this is a remnant of governance, it embodies the intent to love the people and cherish all living things. Sages cannot lag behind in this regard. Our dynasty promoted the writings of Shennong to healthily relieve the people. During the Jiayou era, Confucian scholars were twice ordered to illustrate and annotate the classics, explaining meanings and analyzing treatments in detail. However, with continuous prosperity and flourishing culture, scholars' knowledge expanded. Viewing previous books, there was still room for continuation and improvement. Tang Shenwei from Shu recently gained fame for his medical skills. Relying on old materia medica classics, he extended them with classified evidence. Beyond medical formulas, he drew extensively from classics, histories, Daoist scriptures, and even diverse scholarly opinions, collecting them comprehensively. Its principles are clear, and its reasoning is broad; readers can gain deep understanding. Due to my leisure service, I personally received the Imperial Decree stating that this book is indeed suitable for preservation and public benefit. I was then ordered by the Emperor to oversee the carving and writing, led by Chancellor Yang Jian, and subsequently tasked with correcting and polishing it. I admire Your Majesty's wisdom and benevolence, promoting longevity for the people, establishing schools to reform customs, and inviting rare prescriptions and skills from across the realm to compile the *Shengji Jing* for the benefit of future generations. Though unworthy, I hold this office with trepidation. *Zhenglei Bencao* is truly the summary of treating diseases, and being able to clarify and correct it is a great honor. Respecting the bright decree, I diligently studied day and night, removing redundancy and organizing chaos, striving to reach the truth. Errors in citations were corrected according to classics; vulgar characters were standardized using *Zishuo*; other transcription errors were corrected on the spot. Thousands of corrections were made, resulting in a complete work of over 600,000 words. I respectfully request the title *Zhenghe Newly Revised Jingshi Zhenglei Beiyong Bencao*. On the first day of the ninth month of the sixth year of Zhenghe (1116 AD), Cao Xiaozhong, Minister of Central Guard, Defender of Kangzhou, Director of Longde Palace, Supervisor of Medical Affairs for the Mingtang Construction Institute, Inner Physician, Supervisor of Compiling *Shengji Jing*, and Head of the Great Medical Academy, respectfully wrote the preface.
Yuwen Xuzhong wrote the postscript: Tang Shenwei, courtesy name Shen Yuan, was from Huayang, Chengdu. He had an unattractive appearance and spoke plainly, but his mind was extremely sharp. He cured diseases with near-perfect accuracy, diagnosing symptoms in just a few sentences; if questioned further, he would become angry and refuse to answer. He treated people regardless of status, going wherever summoned, regardless of weather. He treated scholars for free, asking only for famous prescriptions and secret records in return, which endeared him to scholars. Whenever he found a drug name or prescription theory in classics or histories, he recorded it for them, leading to the compilation of this book. Pu Zhuanzheng, Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, wanted to petition for an official rank for him based on executive privileges, but Tang refused. His two sons, aged five and eleven (names forgotten), and his son-in-law Zhang Zongshuo, courtesy name Yanlao, all inherited his art and became famous physicians in Chengdu. During the Yuanyou era, when Yuwen Xuzhong was a child, his father contracted a wind-toxin illness. Shen Yuan treated him miraculously. He also sealed a letter, instructing to open it on a specific date. When the illness recurred on that date, the letter contained three prescriptions: the first for recurrent wind-toxin, the second for wind-toxin attacking upward causing shortness of breath and wheezing. Following these prescriptions sequentially, he recovered in half a month. Such was his miraculous skill. Written on the fifteenth day of the ninth month of the third year of Huangtong (1143 AD) by Yuwen Xuzhong of Chengdu.
Ma Ge wrote the preface: Since ancient times, the methods of acupuncture and moxibustion regarding acupoints have not been widely transmitted, and few in later generations have mastered their subtleties. Thus, decoctions and pills became the primary means of treatment. Miraculous feats like intestinal surgery or bone knitting were considered separate arts, not belonging to the Shennong tradition. Only sages examine syndromes to formulate prescriptions, revealing drugs through prescriptions. Hence, the school of prescriptions flourished, yet the Shennong classics cannot be abandoned for a day. This book largely originates from Shennong. Since Shennong, various authors have written materia medica, including the *Tang Bencao* and *Shu Bencao*. By the Zhenghe era of Song, the Emperor cared for the people's lives, ordering renowned scholars and physicians to review various theories, create illustrations to verify the minute details of plant roots, stems, leaves, flowers, fruits, and animal/mineral forms, to distinguish genuine from fake drugs easily. Classification systems were established to differentiate regional characteristics, sovereign-minister-assistant-courier roles, flavors, thermal natures, and toxicity, making them easy to understand. The book became comprehensive and rigorous. The version circulating in the Central Plains was the Pang Family edition, which survived barely after wars, making it rare. Now, Mr. Zhang Weiqing of Pingyang, fearing its extinction, commissioned woodblock printing, based on the Pang edition and adding Kou Zongshi's *Yanyi* (Expanded Meaning). It is more complete than the old version. Upon completion, he asked me to write a preface. I believe life is precious, and medicine is urgent for health. Verifying drugs prevents confusion and misuse, which is the duty of Shennong's literature. Opening the book reveals everything clearly, like water reflecting shape or a bell responding to sound. Elderly care and child-rearing households should own a copy, let alone medical practitioners. Its discussions are profound, and works by Tao Hongjing and others since Tang and Song are complete. Are my words redundant? There are useless studies and books in the world. I commend Mr. Zhang's diligence and care for all beings, creating a beneficial book for posterity, unlike merchants seeking immediate profit. Therefore, I happily promote it. Mr. Zhang's given name is Cuihui, courtesy name Weiqing. On the full moon day of Mid-Autumn Festival in the Jiyou year (1249 AD), Ma Ge Xin zhi from Tie Xi wrote the preface.
Liu Qi wrote the postscript: Reading Shen Mingyuan's *Yujian*, I read that Fan Zhongyan, when humble, generously told friends: "I study books and the Way to become a prime minister, acting in accordance with the times to save the world's lives. If fate denies me this opportunity, I will read the Yellow Emperor's books and deeply investigate medical mysteries, which can also save people." I often repeated these words, admiring his ambition to benefit the world. Reading Su Shi's inscription on *Donggaozi Zhuan*: "The greatest joy is having no illness and no worries. I lack both. But seeing others enjoy this, how can I keep my joy? So I store good medicine everywhere and give it to those who ask, and especially enjoy brewing wine for guests." Someone asked: "You are healthy, why stock medicine? You don't drink, why brew wine? Why tire yourself for others?" I laughed and said: "When patients get medicine, I feel light; when drinkers get wine, I feel satisfied. Is it only for myself?" I often repeated these words, praising his benevolence. Alas! How vast was the mindset of ancient gentlemen! Scholars should dedicate themselves to benefiting others. In success, this means governing, promoting the virtuous, eliminating evil, and blessing the world. In failure, it means teaching locally, helping the needy, and healing illnesses. Ultimately, it must benefit society and people. Should one abandon the world because of lack of position? Medicine is a crucial personal matter with public benefit. As the saying goes: "One without constancy cannot practice witchcraft or medicine." Also: "Confucius was cautious about fasting, war, and illness. When Kang Zi gave him medicine, Confucius said, 'I do not understand it, so I dare not taste it.'" I argue that although medicine is considered a minor art in our tradition, not specialized by sages, abandoning it lacks benevolence and loyalty. Xu Shizi failed to taste medicine first, recorded in *Spring and Autumn Annals* as regicide. Thus, children must know medicine to avoid neglecting parents' illnesses. Our bodies receive qi from heaven and earth and form from parents. From youth to old age, we cultivate our nature. If we achieve our goals and bring harmony to the world, but fall ill and ignore treatment, leaving our fate to mediocre doctors, we cannot be called wise. Since Shennong, Yellow Emperor, Lei Gong, and Qibo, eminent ministers and talented doctors have studied medicine, such as Chunyu Yi and Zhang Zhongjing of Han, Ge Hong and Yin Hao of Jin, Chu Cheng of Qi, and Tao Hongjing of Liang. Lu Zhi of Tang compiled prescriptions in Zhongzhou, and the *Liangfang* of Su and Shen are still passed down. For us, studying this in spare time from orthodox learning is not useless. I was sickly since childhood and talked with doctors, so I have read medical books. In Huaichun, I copied a section of *Bencao*, identifying major drug properties, believing that understanding the nature and flavor of all things is essential for Confucians, as are dietary taboos, which is part of investigating principles. Later in Daliang, I read a fine copy of *Suwen* owned by Mr. Zhao, with his annotations, gaining much insight. After the turmoil, my old studies were neglected, and these books were lost. I used to say that in peaceful times, besides writing, I should focus on health preservation. This year, traveling to Pingshui, I met local Zhang Cunhui (Weiqing) and my friend Ge Lü Tangzuo, who said their family had republished *Zhenglei Bencao*, adding Kou Zongshi's *Yanyi*, forming a complete new book, and requested a preface. Thus, I wrote this postscript. On the full moon day of Mid-Autumn Festival in the Jiyou year, Liu Qi from Yunzhong. Printed in the winter of Bingwu year (1246 AD) at the Xu residence in Pingshui. Haiming Xuan Record states: This book has circulated for a long time, with variations among editions. Now, taking the best *Zhenglei* version as the base, adding more prescriptions from Kou's *Yanyi*. Previously attached *Benjing* and *Bielu* entries had numerical discrepancies, now corrected. Aliases are noted in common terms under directory entries for ease of recognition, e.g., Zaoxiu as Zihache, Jasu as Jingjie. Distorted images are redrawn based on observation, e.g., bamboo divided into Dan, Ku, Jin; salt methods ancient and modern. Character errors affecting meaning, such as Sheng/Dou/Ju/Dan/Shang/Xia/Qian/Shi/Wei/Mo, numbering thousands, are verified against other editions and books and corrected. Doubts are left blank for future scholars. The spine is widened for binding durability. Efforts and designs are too numerous to list, avoiding any negligence, differing significantly from the old version, hence titled "Revised". Wise men of the world will know the difference between old and new. Recorded carefully at Haiming Xuan on the Winter Solstice, Jiyou day of summer in the Jiazi year (1204 AD).
Tianlu Linlang Shumu states: *Revised Zhenghe Jingshi Zhenglei Beiyong Bencao*, two boxes, twenty-four volumes. The beginning of this book has a Jin Taihe Jiazi printing record, but no other preface. All prefaces from before Jiayou are contained in Volume One, titled "Preface Examples". The memorial presented by Yuxi et al. during Jiayou is listed at the end of the book, not in the volumes. The format is inconsistent, likely due to successive revisions in Song, Jin, Yuan, and Ming dynasties. According to Ma Duanlin's *Wenxian Tongkao*, *Zhenglei Bencao* is thirty-two volumes. Citing Chao Gongwu's *Dushu Zhi*, Tang Shenwei combined two materia medica into one book, attaching single prescriptions from various sources to the end of relevant entries. The "two materia medica" refer to *Buzhu Shennong Bencao* and *Tu Jing Bencao*, compiled by Zhang Yuxi et al. under imperial edict. *Buzhu* was presented early in Jiayou, *Tu Jing* late in Jiayou. This book records these two imperial orders at the back, revealing Tang Shenwei's source material. Mao Kun notes that the titles of Tang Shenwei's book vary. Chen Zhen Sun's *Shulu Jieti* records *Daguang Bencao* in thirty-one volumes, attributed to Tang Shenwei, with a preface by Ai Sheng of Renhe County, titled *Jingshi Zhenglei Bencao*, combining *Daguang Bencao* and *Zhenglei Bencao*. Ma Duanlin's *Wenxian Tongkao* lists *Daguang Bencao* (31 vols) first, then *Zhenglei Bencao* (32 vols), citing Ai Sheng's preface under *Daguang*, blurring the distinction. Only *Song Shi Yiwenzhi* directly lists *Daguang Jingshi Zhenglei Beij Bencao* (32 vols), merging the names. Most books mention only *Daguang*, never *Zhenghe*, citing either 32 or 31 volumes. This unique copy has 30 volumes, titled *Revised Zhenghe*, and uses "Beiyong" instead of "Beiji" found in *Song Shi*. Proven by the Jin Taihe Jiazi woodblock record, it was reprinted in Ming based on the Taihe edition, not the Song original, explaining volume and title differences. Furthermore, Yuwen Xuzhong's postscript explicitly states Tang Shenwei's name, courtesy name, hometown, medical skill, refusal of payment, and exchange for prescriptions, endearing him to scholars. Yet *Wenxian Tongkao* citing *Shulu Jieti* claims Tang Shenwei is unknown. Checking *Song Shi*, Yuwen Xuzhong (courtesy name Shutong) was from Huayang, Chengdu, passed jinshi in Daguang 3, served as Envoy to Jin in Jianyan 2, refused to return, held high offices in Jin, and was called "National Teacher" by Jin. Being from the same hometown, Yuwen knew Tang's details well. The book was revised under Zhenghe edict; the Daguang version was not final, hence retitled Zhenghe with 30 volumes. Yuwen went to Jin, cut off from Song, and his postscript was printed in Jin. Song people initially didn't see it, hence claiming Tang's origin was unknown.
Siku Quanshu Tiya states: *Zhenglei Bencao*, thirty volumes, written by Tang Shenwei of Song. Chen Zhen Sun's *Shulu Jieti* records this book in thirty volumes, named *Daguang Bencao*. Chao Gongwu's *Dushu Zhi* records *Zhenglei Bencao* in thirty-two volumes, also attributed to Tang Shenwei. Thus, two versions existed in Song. *Yuhai* records that on August 15, the 27th year of Shaoxing (1157 AD), Wang Jixian submitted a collated *Daguang Bencao* (32 vols) with pronunciation guide (1 vol), ordered by the Secretariat to be polished and printed by the Imperial Academy. Thus, an official edition existed in Southern Song, though original prints are lost. Two versions circulate today. One is a Ming Wanli Dingchou reprint of the Yuan Dade Renyin Zongwen Shuyuan edition, featuring Ai Sheng's preface from Daguang 2, calling it 31 volumes plus 1 volume of directory. This is likely what Chen saw, hence titled *Daguang Bencao*. The other is a Ming Chenghua Wuzi reprint of the Jin Taihe Jiazi Haiming Xuan edition, featuring Cao Xiaozhong's preface from Zhenghe 6, mentioning Emperor's decree, Yang Jian's supervision, and Cao's correction. The change to *Zhenghe Bencao* stems from this. They are essentially the same book. The end features Yuwen Xuzhong's postscript from Huangtong 3, detailing Tang Shenwei's life clearly. Likely after Jingkang, imperial libraries fell to Jin, so Chen Zhen Sun did not see this