《素问·平人气象》于人以胃气为本后，独言三阳之脉，不及三阴。林亿以为阙文，引
《难
经》吕广说补之。泉案∶三阴之脉行五脏，经于三阳脉后，即言五脏脉，五脏即三阴也。文
与《灵·经脉》六阳气俱绝、五阴气俱绝，及《素·经终》六阳、五阴之终例同。盖分手足
言之，则六阳；浑举之，则三阳；统言之，则五脏称五阴经。实核之，则五脏言各有当，非
一端也。三阳主躯壳，与《脉经》时脉之六经必兼三阴者，相似而不同。《难经》所言，亦
系时脉，其动摇几分云云，不可执以例此。五脏主躯内，兼主时，故五脏平脉与四时脉同。
然四时脉通主一身，五脏脉专主一脏，故病脉、死脉之象，则与玉机所云太过不及者不同。
读《灵》、《素》常须识此，勿令误也。林校殊未审。
仲景生于南阳，官于长沙，医于京洛。今案其地，皆非北方郡县，而洛称中土尤着。仲
景是
书，将为前圣集大成，为后世立大法，而斤斤一隅之见，何以为仲景？且历东西晋、南北朝
及隋唐，其间建都若邺、若金陵、若长安，几于五方无定。而《外台》所采诸家，半皆当时
士大夫在京师者，其尊仲景方，至于天下附应，及宋许白沙当南渡时，去仲景千有余年，而
伤寒九十论中，所纪证治，若合符节。可见通人之学，不以方隅限也。其所谓伤寒病则恶
寒、体痛、呕逆而已，并不大重，何异之有？若以其处方太峻，则古权量不及今之十一，有
《千金》可证，又何异之有？夫天下事，果有二千年来，五方通行，末几而止宜一方者乎？人
亦自求所以知仲景者可耳！
按《河南通志》云∶张机涅阳人。涅阳，即南阳郡之属县名，非有异也。惟张松北见曹
操，
以川中医有仲景为夸（见《方氏条辨》自序，）则与此异。岂仲景曾入蜀为医欤？要之，蜀亦
西南方也。
《素问·平人气象论》在阐述“人以胃气为本”之后，只论述了三阳经的脉象，没有涉及三阴经。林亿认为这是脱漏的文字，引用《难经》中吕广的说法来补充。我考证认为：三阴经的脉气运行于五脏，经文在三阳经脉论述之后，紧接着就论述五脏脉，五脏即属于三阴。这种行文方式与《灵枢·经脉》篇中六阳气俱绝、五阴气俱绝的记载，以及《素问·玉机真脏论》（注：原文作《素·经终》，实指《玉机真脏论》或相关篇章关于六阳五阴终始的论述）中六阳、五阴终结的例子是相同的。大概分开手足来说，称为六阳；笼统地说，称为三阳；从整体而言，称五脏为五阴经。仔细推敲，五脏的论述各有其恰当之处，并非单一固定的模式。三阳经主要主管躯壳体表，这与《脉经》中论述四时脉象的六经必须兼及三阴的情况，相似但不同。《难经》所论述的，也是关于四时脉象的内容，其中提到的脉象动摇几分等说法，不能固执地用来类推本文。五脏主要主管体内脏腑，同时也兼管四时变化，所以五脏的平脉（正常脉象）与四时脉象是相通的。然而四时脉象通主全身，五脏脉象专主某一脏器，所以病脉、死脉的征象，就与《素问·玉机真脏论》中所说的太过和不及有所不同。阅读《灵枢》、《素问》时常须认识到这一点，不要弄错。林亿的校勘确实不够审慎。
张仲景生于南阳，在长沙做官，在京师洛阳行医。如今考察这些地方，都不是北方的郡县，而洛阳被称为中土尤为显著。张仲景的这本书，旨在集前代圣人之大成，为后世确立大法，如果拘泥于一隅之见，怎么能配得上张仲景呢？况且历经东西晋、南北朝以及隋唐时期，其间建都的地方如邺城、金陵、长安等，几乎可以说天下四方都没有固定的都城。而《外台秘要》所采集的各派医家著作，半数都是当时士大夫在京城的人，他们尊崇张仲景的方剂，以至于天下纷纷响应附和。到了宋代许叔微（号白沙）在南渡之时，距离张仲景已有一千多年，但他《伤寒九十论》中记载的证治方法，如同符节般吻合。由此可见，通达之人的学问，是不被地域局限的。他所说的伤寒病，不过是恶寒、身体疼痛、呕吐逆气罢了，并不特别严重，有什么差异呢？如果说他的处方药力太猛，那么古代的权衡度量标准不到现在的十分之一，有《千金方》可以证明，又有什么差异呢？天下的事情，难道会有两千年来通行于四方，不久却只适宜于某一方的吗？人们也只应自己去寻求了解张仲景的方法罢了！
按《河南通志》记载：张机是涅阳人。涅阳，就是南阳郡所属的一个县名，并没有其他异处。只有张松北上拜见曹操时，以四川中医中有张仲景作为夸耀（见于《方氏条辨》自序），这就与此不同了。难道张仲景曾入蜀地为医吗？总之，蜀地也是西南方。
In the *Suwen: Pingren Qixiang Lun* (Plain Questions: Treatise on the Pulse of a Healthy Person), after stating that "the human body takes Stomach Qi as its foundation," it exclusively discusses the pulses of the Three Yang meridians and omits those of the Three Yin meridians. Lin Yi considered this to be a lacuna in the text and cited the commentary by Lu Guang from the *Nanjing* (Classic of Difficult Issues) to supplement it. My research indicates: The pulses of the Three Yin meridians circulate through the Five Zang organs. Following the discussion of the Three Yang pulses, the text immediately proceeds to discuss the pulses of the Five Zang organs; the Five Zang organs are essentially the Three Yin. This textual structure is consistent with the accounts in the *Lingshu: Jingmai* (Spiritual Pivot: Meridians) regarding the exhaustion of the Qi of the Six Yang and the Five Yin, as well as the examples of the termination of the Six Yang and Five Yin found in the *Suwen*. Generally speaking, when distinguishing between hand and foot, they are called the Six Yang; when speaking broadly, they are called the Three Yang; and when discussing them comprehensively, the Five Zang organs are referred to as the Five Yin meridians. Upon strict examination, the discussions regarding the Five Zang organs each have their appropriate context and are not limited to a single fixed pattern. The Three Yang meridians primarily govern the body surface and exterior, which is similar to but distinct from the situation in the *Maijing* (Pulse Classic), where the six meridians discussed in relation to seasonal pulses must include the Three Yin. What is described in the *Nanjing* also pertains to seasonal pulses, specifically mentioning degrees of pulse fluctuation; such descriptions cannot be rigidly applied to analogize this specific text. The Five Zang organs primarily govern the internal viscera while also relating to the four seasons; therefore, the normal pulses (Ping Mai) of the Five Zang organs correspond with the seasonal pulses. However, since seasonal pulses generally govern the entire body, whereas the pulses of the Five Zang organs specifically govern individual organs, the manifestations of pathological and terminal pulses differ from the concepts of excess and deficiency (Tai Guo and Bu Ji) described in the *Suwen: Yuji Zhenzang Lun* (Treatise on the True Visceral Pulses). When reading the *Lingshu* and *Suwen*, one must always recognize this distinction to avoid error. Lin Yi’s collation was indeed insufficiently rigorous.
Zhang Zhongjing was born in Nanyang, served as an official in Changsha, and practiced medicine in the capital region of Luoyang. Examining these locations today, none are in the northern commanderies, and Luoyang is notably regarded as the Central Plains (Zhongtu). Zhang Zhongjing’s work aimed to synthesize the achievements of past sages and establish fundamental principles for future generations. If one were to adhere to narrow, regional perspectives, how could one truly understand Zhang Zhongjing? Furthermore, throughout the Western and Eastern Jin dynasties, the Northern and Southern Dynasties, as well as the Sui and Tang dynasties, capitals were established in various places such as Ye, Jinling, and Chang’an, indicating that there was no fixed capital across the five directions. The medical works collected in the *Waitai Miyao* (External Cabinet Essential Prescriptions) were mostly authored by scholars who were in the capital at the time. Their reverence for Zhang Zhongjing’s formulas led to widespread emulation across the realm. Even during the Southern Song dynasty, when Xu Shuwei (styled Basha) lived more than a thousand years after Zhang Zhongjing, his *Shanghan Jiushi Lun* (Ninety Cases of Cold Damage Pathology) recorded diagnoses and treatments that matched Zhang’s methods perfectly. This demonstrates that the scholarship of enlightened individuals is not confined by geographical boundaries. The cold damage disease he described involved merely aversion to cold, body pain, and vomiting or regurgitation; it was not particularly severe, so what is the difference? If one argues that his prescriptions were too potent, it must be remembered that ancient weights and measures were less than one-tenth of modern standards, as evidenced by the *Qianjin Yaofang* (Essential Prescriptions Worth a Thousand Gold); thus, what is the difference? Are there not matters in the world that were universally applicable for two millennia but later became suitable only for a specific region? People should simply seek to understand Zhang Zhongjing on their own terms!
According to the *Henan Tongzhi* (General Gazetteer of Henan): Zhang Ji (Zhang Zhongjing) was from Nieyang. Nieyang was a county subordinate to the Nanyang Commandery, with no discrepancy. However, Zhang Song, upon visiting Cao Cao in the north, boasted about having Zhang Zhongjing among the physicians in Sichuan (as seen in the preface of *Fangshi Tiaobian*), which differs from this account. Did Zhang Zhongjing ever practice medicine in Shu? In any case, Shu is also located in the southwest.