许乃祖贯。鄞乃寄居。实则仪真人也。滑寿卒于明洪武中。故明史列之方技传。然戴良九灵山房集。有怀书撄宁
诗曰。海日苍凉两鬓丝。异乡飘泊已多时。欲为散木留官道。故托长桑说上池。蜀客着书人岂识。韩公卖药世遍
知。道涂同是伤心者。只合相从赋黍离。则寿亦抱节之遗老。托于医以自晦者也。是书首有张翥序。称寿家去东
垣近。早传李杲之学。撄宁生传。则称学医于京口王居中。学针法于东平高洞阳,考李杲足迹未至江南。与寿时
代亦不相及。翥所云。殆因许近东垣。附会其说欤。难经八十一篇。历代医家。多有注释。寿所采摭。凡十一家。
今惟寿书传于世。其书首列汇考一篇。论书之名义源流。次列阙疑总类一篇。记脱文误字。又次图说一篇。皆不
入卷数。其注。则融会诸家之说。而以己意折衷之。辨论精确。考证亦极详审。寿本儒者。能通解古书文义。故
其所注。视他家所得为多云。”
〔吕氏(复)难经附说〕佚
吕复曰。难经余尝辑诸注家之长。先训诂而后辞意。窃附鄙说其间。以便后学。未敢以为是也。亡名氏难经
辨释 文渊阁书目一部一册阙( 竹堂书目。作二卷。)未见
〔熊氏(宗立)勿听子俗解八十一难经〕六卷 存
徐春甫曰。正统间。熊宗立难经俗解。相传愈失其义。如五十九难云。颠狂之脉。阴阳俱盛。俗解分阴分阳。
与本文畔。诸如此类甚多。寝使后学晦旨。是故国朝医政。坏于难经脉诀二书之伪也。
〔张氏(世贤)图注八十一难经〕明志八卷 存
四库全书提要曰。张世贤字天成。宁波人。正德中名医也。难经旧有吴吕广唐杨玄操诸家注。宋嘉 中。
丁德用始于文义隐奥者。各为之图。元滑寿作本义亦有数图。然皆不备。世贤是编。于八十一篇。篇篇有图。凡
注所累言不尽者。可披图而解。惟其中文义显然。不必待图始解者。亦强足其数。稍为冗赘。其注亦循文敷衍。
未造深微。(存目)
按是书。吴门沈氏碧梧堂梓刊。凡八卷。为世贤原本。又有图注八十一难经辨真四卷。题曰四明张世贤注。
盖系坊刻之妄改焉。
〔马氏(莳)难经正义〕医藏目录九卷 未见
〔姚氏(浚)难经考误〕未见
江南通志曰。姚浚字哲人。和州人。前太医院九鼎字新阳之子。业儒。能以医学世其家。所着有脉法正宗。
难经考误。风发必读。及药品征要等书。行世。
〔徐氏(述)难经补注〕未见
按上见于武进县志。
〔王氏(文洁)图注八十一难经评林快捷方式统宗〕六卷 存
〔张氏(景皋)难经直解〕未见
朔方志曰。张景皋精太素脉。可生则药。不可生。断以日时。百无一失。穷通寿夭。以脉推之。亦无不验。
所着有难经直解。
〔黄氏(渊)难素笺释〕未见
按上见于浙江通志。
〔徐氏(大椿)难经经释〕二卷 存
自序曰。难经非经也。以灵素之微言奥旨。引端未发者。设为问答之语。俾畅厥义也。古人书篇名义。非可
苟称。难者辨论之谓。天下岂有以难名为经者。故知难经非经也。自古言医者。皆祖内经。而内经之学。至汉而
分。仓公氏以诊胜。仲景氏以方胜。华佗氏以针灸杂法胜。虽皆不离乎内经。而师承各别。逮晋唐以后。则支流
愈分。徒讲乎医之术。而不讲乎医之道。则去圣远矣。惟难经则悉本内经之语。而敷畅其义。圣学之传。惟此为
其宗。然窃有疑焉。其说有即以经文为释者。有悖经文而为释者。有颠倒经文以为释者。夫苟如他书之别有师承。
则人自立说。源流莫考。即使与古圣之说大悖。亦无从而证其是非。若即本内经之文以释内经。则内经具在也。
以经证经。而是非显然矣。然此书之垂。已二千余年。注者不下数十家。皆不敢有异议。其间有大可疑者。且多
曲为解释。并他书之是者反疑之。则岂前人皆无识乎。殆非也。盖经学之不讲久矣。惟知溯流以寻源。考不得则
中道而止。未尝从源以及流也。故以难经视难经。则难经自无可议。以内经之义疏视难经。则难经正多疵也。余
始也盖尝崇信而佩习之。习之久而渐疑其或非。更习之久而信己之必是。非信己也。信夫难经之必不可违乎内经
也。于是本其发难之情。先为申述内经本意。索其条理。随文诠释。既乃别其异同。辨其是否。其间有殊法异义。
其说不本于内经。而与内经相发明者。此则别有师承。又不得执内经而议其可否。惟夫遵内经之训。而诠解未洽
者。则摘而
证之于经。非以难经为可 也。正所以彰难经于天下后世。使知难经之为内经羽翼。其渊源如此也。因名之为经
释。难经所以释经。今复以经释难。以难释经而经明。以经释难而难明。此则所谓医之道也。而非术也。其曰秦
越人着者。始见新唐书艺文志。盖不可定然。实两汉以前书云。雍正五年三月既望。
凡例曰。是书。总以经文为证。故不旁引他书。如经文无可证。则间引仲景伤寒。及金匮要略两书。此犹汉
人遗法。去古未远。若甲乙经脉经。则偶一及之。然亦不过互相参考。并不据此以为驳辨。盖后人之书。不可反
以证前人也。一难经注释。其着者不下十余家。今散亡已多。所见仅四五种。语多支离浅晦。惟滑氏本义。最有
条理。然余亦不敢袭一语。盖难经本文。理解已极明晓。其深文奥义。则俱本内经。今既以内经为诠释。则诸家
臆说。总属可去。故训诂诠释。则根据本文。辨论考证。则本内经。其间有章节句语错误处。前人已是正者。则亦
注明某人之说。余则无前人一字。即有偶合。非故袭也。一辨驳处。固以崇信内经。违众独异。皆前人之所未及。
即本文下诠解处。不无与前人合者。然此原属文理一定。无可异同。并非剿说。要亦必深思体认。通贯全经。而
后出之。此处颇多苦心。故条理比前人稍密。则同中仍不无小异也。
四库全书提要曰。徐大椿是书。以秦越人八十一难经。有不合内经之旨者。援引经文。以驳正之。考难经。
汉艺文志不载。随志始着于录。虽未必越人之书。然三国已有吕博望注本。而张机伤寒论平脉篇中。所称经说。
今在第五难中。则亦后汉良医之所为。历代以来。与灵枢素问并尊。绝
无异论。大椿虽研究内经。未必学出古人上。遽相排斥。未见其然。况大椿所据者内经。而素问全元起本。已佚
其第七篇。唐王冰始称得旧本补之。宋林亿等校正。已称其天元纪大论以下。与素问余篇。绝不相通。疑冰取阴
阳大论。以补所亡。至刺法本病二论。则冰本亦阙。其间字句异同。亿等又复有校改。注中题曰新校正。皆是。
则素问已为后人所乱。而难经反为古本。又滑寿难经本义。列是书所引内经。而今本无之者。不止一条。则当时
所见之本。与今亦不甚同。即有舛互。亦宜两存。遽执以驳难经之误。是何异谈六经者。执开元改隶之本。以驳
汉博士耶。(存目)
自序略曰。康熙三十二年五月十五日。余生于下塘毓瑞堂。年二十从学于周意庭先生。是岁县庠入泮。始先
祖名余曰大椿字灵胎。至是更名大业。后以钦召称字。遂以字名。余之习医也。因第三弟患痞。先君为遍请名医。
余因日与讲论。又药皆亲制。医理稍通。既而四五两弟又连病卒。先君以悲悼得疾。医药之事无虚岁。家藏有医
书数十种。朝夕披览。久而通其大义。质之时医。茫如也。乃更穷源及流。自内经以至元明诸书。广求博采。几
万余卷。而后胸有实获。不能已于言矣。谓学医必先明经脉脏腑也。故作难经经释。谓药性必当知其真也。故作
神农本草百种录。谓治病必有其所以然之理。而后世失其传也。故作医学源流论。谓伤寒论颠倒错乱。注家各私
其说。而无定论也。故作伤寒类方。谓时医不考病源。不辨病名。不知经方。不明法度也。故作兰台轨范。谓医
道之坏。坏于明之薛立斋。而吕氏刻赵氏医贯,专以六味八味两方。治天下之病。贻害无穷也。故作医贯砭。谓
医学绝传。邪说互出。杀人之祸烈也。故作慎疾刍
言。自此三十余年。难易生死。无不立辨。怪症痼疾。皆获效验。远近来治。刻无宁晷。制抚河盐。以及司道各
大宪。皆谬以谦辞礼聘。并知其为儒生。有以学问经济咨询者。由此而微名上达九阍矣。乾隆二十五年。上访名
医于诸大臣。秦大司寇文恭公以臣灵胎对。上颔之。九月大学士蒋文恪公病。上谕中堂。当招徐灵胎延医。公一
再遣人聘余。余适以病辞。二十六年正月。上乃下廷谕。命抚军陈公。即送来京。时余病亦痊。乃就道。至即命与
施孙两太医同拟方。蒋公病已不可为。余方欲奏明。适上命额驸福公。问徐灵胎。蒋某病几时得愈。因密奏曰。
过立夏七日则休矣。福公转奏。上亲临视。见蒋公病果剧。驾回谕秦大司寇曰。徐灵胎学问既优。人又诚实。不
知能在京效力否。秦公传旨。臣闻命之下。感激涕零。自揣年老多病。万难效力。即恳秦公转奏。是晚上命视大
司农李公疾。明日又命入圆明园。连奉特旨六次。乃于五月初四日。蒙圣恩放归田里。事详述恩纪略中。自此筑
室吴山之画眉泉。为静养之地。不复远行矣。辛卯夏日。洄溪老人书于耄学龛。时年七十有九。(兰台轨范。)
徐 曰。先府君既作自序。方期顶祝圣恩。闭户着书。以终余年、忽一日叹曰。吾自审脉象。恐不逾今岁矣。
惟觉心中有未了事。亦不自解其因。至十月二十五日。奉旨复召入都。恍然曰。向觉有未了者。此耶。时方卧 。
强起入都。大中丞暨诸大宪亲诣舟次。府君感沐圣恩。力疾登程。 随侍中途。疾亦渐已。精神转旺。餐饭有加。
腊月初一日抵都。精力复衰。越三日。府君从容议论阴阳生死出入之理。并自作墓前对联。有满山芳草仙人药。
一径清风处士坟之句。至夜谈笑而逝。额驸尚书福公入奏。是日上赏白金一百
两。赠儒林郎。并传旨谕 护丧以归。明春扶榇旋里。葬越来溪之牒字圩新阡。伏念府君以诸生达九重。两膺
征召。生前知遇。身后宠荣。遭逢盛世。千载一时。 虽自愧无文。谨就府君自序所未竟者。附缀数行。以志
不朽云。(同上)
袁枚曰。乾隆二十五年。文华殿大学士蒋文恪公患病。天子访海内名医。大司寇秦公首荐吴江徐灵胎。天子
召入都。命视蒋公疾。先生奏疾不可治。上嘉其朴诚。欲留在京师效力。先生乞归陶里。上许之。后二十年。上
以中贵人有疾。再召入都。先生已七十九岁。自知衰矣。未必生还。乃率其子 载 以行。果至都三日而卒。
天子惋惜之,赐帑金。命 扶榇以归。呜呼。先生以吴下一诸生。两蒙圣天子蒲轮之征。巡抚司道。到门通驾。
闻者皆惊且羡。以为希世之荣。余好。急思采其奇方异术。奋笔书之。以垂医鉴。而
活苍生。仓猝不可得。今秋访 于吴江。得其自述纪略。又访诸吴人之能道先生者。为之立传。传曰。先生名大
椿。字灵胎。晚自号洄溪老人。家本望族。祖 。康熙十八年鸿词科。翰林纂修明史。先生生有异禀。聪强过人。
凡星经地志。九宫音律。以至舞刀夺槊。勾卒嬴越之法。靡不宣究。而尤长于医。每视人疾。穿穴膏肓。能呼肺
腑。与之作语。其用药也。神施鬼设。斩关夺隘。如周亚夫之军。从天而下。诸岐黄家。目瞠心骇。帖帖慑服。
而卒莫测其所以然。先生长身广颡。音声如钟。白须伟然。一望而知为奇男子。少时留心经济之学。于东南水
利。尤所洞悉。先生隐于洄溪。矮屋百椽。有画眉泉。小桥流水。松竹铺纷。登楼则太湖奇峰。鳞罗布列。如儿
孙拱侍状。先生啸傲其间。人望之疑真人之在天际也。所着。有难
经经释。医学原流等书。凡六种。其中 HT 利弊。剖析经络。将古今医书。存其是指其非久行于世。子 字榆
村。傥 有父风。能活人济物。以世其家。(随园文集)
〔黄氏(元御)难经解〕二卷 未见
四库全书提要曰。难经之出。在素问之后。灵枢之前。故其中所引经文。有今本所不载者。然其文自三国以
来。不闻所窜乱,元御亦谓旧本有讹。复多所更定。均所谓我用我法也。(存目)
〔戴氏(震)注难经〕未见
李斗曰。戴震字东原。休宁人。为汉儒之学。精于音韵律算。乾隆壬午。举于乡。奉诏重辑永乐大典。与邵
晋涵周永年杨昌森余集同入馆。分纂四库全书。尝注难经伤寒论金匮诸书。亦未卒业。(扬州画舫录。)
〔唐氏(千顷)春秋本难经注疏〕未见
曹锡端江宁广文唐先生传曰。先生娶严氏吴氏陈氏子二。长方沂。次方淮。今名千顷。入太学。好经术。着
书二十种。更通岐黄。尝活人。孙秉钧幼博览群书。能标卓识。见者莫勿惊奇器重。
〔唐氏(秉钧)内难语要〕未见
按上二书见于文房肄考艺文志。
Xu Naizu, his ancestral home is unknown. Yinxian was a place where he resided, but in reality, he was from Yizheng. Hua Shou died during the Hongwu reign of the Ming Dynasty, and thus the *History of Ming* included him in the Biography of Medical Practitioners (Fangji Zhuan). However, Dai Liang, in his *Jiuling Mountain House Collection*, wrote a poem titled "Thinking of Yingning" to commemorate Hua Shou: "The sea sun is desolate, temples are gray; drifting in a foreign land for many years. Wishing to remain as useless wood on the official path, I therefore entrust myself to Changsang's talk of Shangchi. The scholar from Shu writes books, who knows them? Han Gong sells medicine, known throughout the world. Both travelers on the road are sorrowful souls; we should only follow each other in composing 'Shuli'. From this, it can be seen that Hua Shou was also a loyalist who maintained his integrity, using medicine to conceal his identity. This book begins with a preface by Zhang Zhu, which states that Hua Shou's family lived near Dongyuan (Li Gao) and had early inherited Li Gao's medical learning. However, the *Biography of Yingning Master* states that he learned medicine from Wang Juzhong in Jingkou and acupuncture techniques from Gao Dongyang in Dongping. Research shows that Li Gao never traveled to Jiangnan, and their eras did not overlap. Zhang Zhu's statement was likely an embellishment based on the proximity of the Xu clan to Dongyuan.
The *Nan Jing* (Classic of Difficult Issues), consisting of eighty-one chapters, has been annotated by medical scholars through the ages. Hua Shou collected and cited eleven schools of thought. Today, only Hua Shou's commentary survives. The book first presents a "General Examination" (Huikao), discussing the meaning and origin of the title *Nan Jing*. Next is a "Category of Doubts" (Queyi Zonglei), recording missing texts and erroneous characters. Then follows a section on diagrams and explanations (Tushuo), none of which are counted in the volume numbers. His annotations integrate the views of various schools and offer his own balanced judgments. His debates are precise, and his textual research is extremely detailed. Hua Shou was originally a Confucian scholar capable of understanding ancient texts, so his annotations contain more insights than those of others.
[Lü Fu's *Supplementary Remarks on Nan Jing*] Lost.
Lü Fu stated: "I have compiled the strengths of various annotators of the *Nan Jing*, explaining philology first and then the meaning of the text, privately attaching my humble opinions to aid future learners. I dare not claim this is correct."
Anonymous *Nan Jing Bian Shi*, recorded in the *Wenyuan Ge Catalogue* as one volume, one booklet (missing; *Zhutang Catalogue* lists two volumes). Not seen.
[Xiong Zongli's *Wutingzi Vulgar Explanation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing*] Six volumes. Extant.
Xu Chunfu said: "During the Zhengtong era, Xiong Zongli's *Vulgar Explanation of Nan Jing* was passed down, increasingly losing its original meaning. For example, Chapter 59 states: 'The pulse of mania and delirium is characterized by both Yin and Yang being excessive.' The vulgar explanation divides this into Yin and Yang parts, deviating from the original text. There are many such errors, gradually obscuring the core principles for learners. Thus, the deterioration of medical administration in our dynasty is due to the falsification of the *Nan Jing* and the *Mai Jue* (Pulse Classic)."
[Zhang Shixian's *Illustrated Annotation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing*] Listed in *Ming Zhi* as eight volumes. Extant.
The *Siku Quanshu* (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) Abstract states: "Zhang Shixian, courtesy name Tiancheng, was from Ningbo and a famous physician during the Zhengde era. Previous annotations of the *Nan Jing* included those by Lü Guang of Wu and Yang Xuancan of Tang. During the Jiayou era of Song, Ding Deyong began creating diagrams for obscure passages. Yuan dynasty's Hua Shou also created several diagrams in his *Benyi*, but they were incomplete. Zhang Shixian's work includes diagrams for every chapter of the eighty-one sections. Wherever verbose notes fail to clarify, one can understand by looking at the diagram. However, for passages where the meaning is obvious and does not require diagrams, he forced them to fit, making the content somewhat redundant. His annotations merely elaborate on the text without reaching profound depths. (Catalogued)"
Note: This book was printed by the Biwutang Press in Suzhou (Wumen), comprising eight volumes, which is Zhang Shixian's original edition. There is also a four-volume *Illustrated Annotation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing: Verification of Truth*, attributed to Zhang Shixian of Siming, which is likely a tampered version by commercial printers.
[Ma Shi's *Nan Jing Zhengyi*] Listed in *Yicang Mulu* as nine volumes. Not seen.
[Yao Jun's *Nan Jing Kaowu*] Not seen.
*Jiangsu Tongzhi* states: "Yao Jun, courtesy name Zheren, was from Hezhou, son of Yao Xinyang (formerly of the Imperial Medical Academy). He studied Confucianism and continued his family's medical tradition. His works include *Maifa Zhengzong*, *Nan Jing Kaowu*, *Fengfa Bidu*, and *Yaopin Zhengyao*, which are circulating."
[Xu Shu's *Nan Jing Buzhu*] Not seen.
Note: Recorded in *Wujin County Gazetteer*.
[Wen Wenjie's *Illustrated Annotation of the Eighty-One Nan Jing: Pinglin Kuaijieshi Tongzong*] Six volumes. Extant.
[Zhang Jinggao's *Nan Jing Zhijie*] Not seen.
*Shuofang Zhi* states: "Zhang Jinggao specialized in Taisu Pulse Diagnosis, determining life and death possibilities. If curable, he prescribed medicine; if not, he predicted the time of death with high accuracy. He deduced fortune, misfortune, longevity, and shortness of life through pulse diagnosis, never failing. His work includes *Nan Jing Zhijie*."
[Huang Yuan's *Nansu Jian Shi*] Not seen.
Note: Recorded in *Zhejiang Tongzhi*.
[Xu Dachun's *Nan Jing Jingshi*] Two volumes. Extant.
Preface: "The *Nan Jing* is not a 'Jing' (Classic). It uses the subtle and profound principles of the *Huangdi Neijing* (Yellow Emperor's Inner Canon) to introduce undeveloped ideas, setting up Q&A formats to elucidate meanings. The naming conventions of ancient texts cannot be taken lightly. 'Nan' means debate or discussion. How could there be a 'Jing' named 'Nan'? Thus, the *Nan Jing* is not a 'Jing'. Since antiquity, medical practitioners have revered the *Neijing*. However, after the Han Dynasty, the study of the *Neijing* diverged. Cang Gong excelled in pulse diagnosis, Zhang Zhongjing in prescriptions, and Hua Tuo in acupuncture and miscellaneous methods. Although all derived from the *Neijing*, their lineages differed. After Jin and Tang, branches multiplied, focusing only on medical techniques rather than the Way of Medicine, moving far from the Sages. Only the *Nan Jing* fully bases itself on the words of the *Neijing* and elaborates on its meaning, serving as the ancestor of Sage learning transmission. Yet, I harbor doubts. Its interpretations sometimes quote scriptures directly, sometimes contradict them, and sometimes invert them. If it had a separate lineage like other books, individual theories would be untraceable, and even if contrary to ancient sages, their validity could not be proven. But since it explains the *Neijing* using the *Neijing*'s own text, the truth is clear. However, this book has existed for over two thousand years, with dozens of annotators who dared not dissent. Many points are highly suspicious, yet most interpret them creatively, even doubting correct statements in other books. Did predecessors lack insight? Unlikely. It is because the study of Classics has long been neglected. People only trace back to sources but stop when verification fails, never flowing from source to branch. Viewing the *Nan Jing* as itself, it seems flawless; viewing it through the lens of *Neijing* exegesis, it has many flaws. I once revered and practiced it. With prolonged study, I began to doubt. Further study confirmed my correctness—not out of ego, but because the *Nan Jing* must not violate the *Neijing*. Thus, based on its intent to raise difficulties, I first expounded the original meaning of the *Neijing*, sought its logic, and interpreted it contextually. Then I distinguished differences and judged correctness. Where special methods and meanings do not stem from the *Neijing* but illuminate it, these represent separate lineages and cannot be judged solely by the *Neijing*. For interpretations following *Neijing* teachings but lacking clarity, I extracted them and proved them against the Scriptures, not to discard the *Nan Jing*, but to highlight its role as a wing of the *Neijing* and reveal its origins. Hence, I named it *Jingshi* (Explanation by Scripture). The *Nan Jing* explains the *Jing*; now I use the *Jing* to explain the *Nan*. Explaining the Jing via Nan makes the Jing clear; explaining the Nan via Jing makes the Nan clear. This is the Way of Medicine, not mere technique. The attribution to Qin Yueren appears first in the *New Book of Tang Bibliography* and is uncertain; it is likely a pre-Han or Han text. Written on the sixteenth day of the third month, fifth year of Yongzheng."
Examples state: "This book relies entirely on scriptural evidence, avoiding citations from other works. If scripture offers no proof, I occasionally cite Zhang Zhongjing's *Shanghan Lun* and *Jingui Yaolue*, preserving Han methods close to antiquity. References to *Jia Yi Jing* and *Jingmai Jing* are occasional and for reference only, not for refutation, as later works cannot prove earlier ones. Regarding *Nan Jing* annotations, authors number over ten, most lost; I saw only four or five, often fragmented and shallow. Only Hua Shi's *Benyi* is well-organized. Yet I dare not copy a single phrase. The *Nan Jing* text is clear; its deep meanings rely on the *Neijing*. Since I use the *Neijing* for interpretation, speculative views of others are dispensable. Philological explanations follow the text; debates and research follow the *Neijing*. Where previous scholars corrected errors, I note their names. Otherwise, I add nothing new, even if coincidentally similar, it is not plagiarism. Debating points emphasizes reverence for the *Neijing*, differing from the crowd, covering ground untouched by predecessors. Even where my explanations match predecessors, it is due to logical necessity, not copying. Deep reflection and comprehensive understanding are required, resulting in slightly denser logic than predecessors, showing minor differences within similarities.
*Siku Quanshu* Abstract: "Xu Dachun's book argues that Qin Yueren's *Eighty-One Nan Jing* contradicts the *Neijing*, citing scriptures to refute it. The *Nan Jing* is not listed in the *Han Shu Yiwenzhi* but appears in *Sui Shu Jingjizhi*. Though未必 by Yueren, Lü Boyang's annotation existed in the Three Kingdoms period, and Zhang Ji's *Shanghan Lun Pingmai Pian* cites 'Scripture Sayings' found in Chapter 5, indicating it was written by a skilled Han physician. It has been revered alongside *Lingshu* and *Suwen* without dissent. Xu Dachun, despite studying the *Neijing*, may not surpass ancients in scholarship to reject it so hastily. Moreover, Xu relies on the *Neijing*, but the Quan Qiress edition of *Suwen* already lost its seventh chapter. Wang Bing of Tang claimed to find an old copy to supplement it. Lin Yi et al. of Song noted that *Tianyuanji Dalun* and subsequent chapters differ significantly from other *Suwen* chapters, suspecting Wang Bing used *Yinyang Dalun* to fill gaps. The *Cifa* and *Bingben* treatises were also missing in Wang Bing's version. Lin Yi made corrections, labeled 'New Corrections,' implying the *Suwen* was altered by later hands, while the *Nan Jing* might be older. Furthermore, Hua Shou's *Benyi* lists *Neijing* quotes absent in current editions, indicating versions differed then. Even if discrepancies exist, both should be preserved. Hasty rejection of *Nan Jing* errors based on corrupted *Suwen* is akin to using Kaiyuan-era revised texts to refute Han scholars. (Catalogued)"
Brief Preface: "Born May 15, Kangxi 32, at Yurui Hall, Xiatang. At twenty, studied under Mr. Zhou Yiting. Entered county school that year. My grandfather named me Dachun, courtesy name Lingtai. Later renamed Daye. Due to imperial summons, I am known by my courtesy name. I learned medicine because my third brother suffered from Pi syndrome. My father invited many doctors. I discussed daily and prepared medicines, gaining basic knowledge. Later, my fourth and fifth brothers died of illness. My father fell ill from grief. Medical matters occupied every year. I read dozens of medical books morning and night, grasping general principles. Consulting contemporary doctors yielded confusion. Thus, I traced sources and streams, from *Neijing* to Yuan and Ming texts, collecting nearly ten thousand volumes, achieving true understanding, unable to remain silent. Believing one must understand meridians and zang-fu to learn medicine, I wrote *Nan Jing Jingshi*. Believing drug properties must be known truly, I wrote *Shennong Bencao Baizhong Lu*. Believing treatment requires understanding underlying principles lost in later generations, I wrote *Yixue Yuanliu Lun*. Believing *Shanghan Lun* is disordered and annotations biased, I wrote *Shanghan Leifang*. Believing contemporary doctors ignore disease origins, names, classic formulas, and rules, I wrote *Lantai Guifan*. Believing medical decline started with Xue Lizhai of Ming, and Lv Fu's printing of Zhao Xianke's *Yiguan*, which treats all diseases with Liuwei and Bawei pills causing endless harm, I wrote *Yiguan Bian*. Believing medical transmission is broken, heresies abound, and killing is severe, I wrote *Shenji Chuyan*. For thirty years, I distinguished difficult/easy and life/death instantly, treating strange and chronic diseases effectively. Patients came from afar, leaving no rest. Governors and officials invited me respectfully. Knowing I was a scholar, they consulted me on statecraft, raising my fame to the throne. In Qianlong 25, the Emperor asked ministers for famous doctors. Minister Qin Wengong recommended me, Lingtai. The Emperor agreed. In September, Grand Secretary Jiang Wenke fell ill. The Emperor ordered the Grand Secretary to invite Xu Lingtai. Jiang sent envoys repeatedly. I declined due to illness. In January 26, the Emperor issued an edict ordering Governor Chen to bring me to Beijing. My illness had healed, so I departed. Upon arrival, I was ordered to prescribe with Imperial Physicians Shi and Sun. Jiang's condition was hopeless. I intended to report this. The Emperor sent Fugong, Prince Consort, to ask about Jiang's recovery. I secretly reported: 'He will pass seven days after Lixia.' Fugong reported this. The Emperor visited personally, seeing Jiang's worsening condition. Returning, he told Minister Qin: 'Xu Lingtai is scholarly and honest. Can he serve in the capital?' Qin conveyed the order. Overwhelmed with gratitude, I felt too old and sick to serve, begging Qin to report this. That night, I treated Minister of Agriculture Li. The next day, I entered Yuanmingyuan. Received six special edicts. On May 4, granted leave by Imperial Grace. Details in *Enji Lue*. Built a house at Huimei Spring, Wushan, for rest, traveling no more. Summer of Xinmao, written by Huixi Old Man at Maoxue Kan, aged 79. (*Lantai Guifan*.)
My son Min says: "After Father wrote the preface, he hoped to repay Imperial Grace, write in seclusion, and spend his remaining years. Suddenly, he sighed: 'I feel my pulse suggests I won't survive this year. I sense unfinished business but don't know why.' On Oct 25, an edict summoned me to the capital again. He realized: 'Ah, this is the unfinished matter.' He was bedridden but rose to go. High officials visited his boat. Grateful for Imperial Grace, he traveled despite illness. Accompanying him, his illness improved, spirits rose, appetite increased. Arrived in capital on Dec 1. Energy declined. Three days later, he calmly discussed Yin/Yang, life/death, entering/exiting, and wrote his own tomb couplet: 'Mountains full of fragrant grass, immortal herbs; A path of clear wind, recluse's grave.' He passed away chatting at night. Fugong reported this. The Emperor awarded 100 taels of silver, conferred the title Rulin Lang, and ordered escort of the coffin home. In spring, the coffin returned to hometown, buried in Dieziwei, Yuilaixi. Remembering Father reached the Nine Heavens as a student, summoned twice, honored in life and death, meeting a prosperous age, a rare opportunity. Though unworthy of literary skill, I append these lines to his unfinished preface to ensure immortality. (Same source)"
Yuan Mei said: "In Qianlong 25, Grand Secretary Jiang Wenke fell ill. The Emperor sought famous doctors nationwide. Minister Qin first recommended Xu Lingtai of Wujiang. Summoned to the capital to treat Jiang. Xu reported the disease was incurable. The Emperor appreciated his honesty and wanted to keep him in the capital. Xu requested retirement to Tao Li, which was granted. Twenty years later, the Emperor summoned him again due to illness of a eunuch. Xu was 79, knowing he was frail and unlikely to return alive, he took his son Xu Zai. Indeed, he died three days after arriving in the capital. The Emperor lamented, granted treasury funds, and ordered the coffin returned. Alas! Xu, a simple student from Wujiang, was twice summoned by the Emperor with honor. Governors and inspectors visited his door. Listeners were amazed and envious, calling it a rare glory. I love medicine and urgently wanted to collect his unique prescriptions and skills, writing them down to guide medicine and save lives. Too hurried. This autumn, I visited Xu Zai in Wujiang, obtained Xu's autobiographical record, and interviewed locals who knew him, writing this biography. Biography: Xu's given name was Dachun, courtesy name Lingtai, late pseudonym Huixi Laoren. From a prominent family. Grandfather Xu Shuben, passed Hongci Ke in Kangxi 18, Hanlin Compiler of *Ming Shi*. Xu had exceptional talent, superior intelligence and strength. Studied astronomy, geography, Nine Palaces, music, sword dancing, military tactics, etc., thoroughly, especially excelling in medicine. Diagnosing patients, he penetrated deep into the body, speaking to lungs and heart. His prescriptions were divine and mysterious, breaking through defenses like General Zhou Yafu's army descending from heaven. Other physicians stared in awe and submission, never guessing his methods. Tall, broad forehead, bell-like voice, white beard, clearly a remarkable man. Youthfully interested in statecraft, especially knowledgeable about Southeast water conservancy. Xu隐居 at Huixi, hundred small houses, Huimei Spring, small bridge, flowing water, pines and bamboos. Climbing the tower, Taihu Lake peaks arranged like bowing descendants. Xu roamed freely there, appearing like an immortal. Works include *Nan Jing Jingshi*, *Yixue Yuanliu Lun*, etc., six volumes total. Analyzing meridian pros/cons, judging ancient and modern books, keeping the right and discarding the wrong, circulated for long. Son Xu Zai, courtesy name Yucun, elegant, inheriting father's style, saving people and benefiting objects, continuing the family trade. (*Suiyuan Wenji*)"
[Huang Yuanyu's *Nan Jing Jie*] Two volumes. Not seen.
*Siku Quanshu* Abstract: "The *Nan Jing* appeared after *Suwen* and before *Lingshu*, so it cites scriptures not found in current editions. However, its text hasn't been altered since the Three Kingdoms. Huang Yuanyu claimed old editions had errors and made many corrections, essentially 'using his own method.' (Catalogued)"
[Dai Zhen's *Annotation of Nan Jing*] Not seen.
Li Dou said: "Dai Zhen, courtesy name Dongyuan, from Xiuning, practiced Han Confucianism, expert in phonology, rhythm, and mathematics. Passed provincial exam in Qianlong Renwu year. Ordered to recompile *Yongle Dadian*. Entered academy with Shao Jinnan, Zhou Yongnian, Yang Changsen, and Yu Ji. Co-compiled *Siku Quanshu*. Annotated *Nan Jing*, *Shanghan Lun*, *Jingui*, etc., but did not complete them. (*Yangzhou Huafang Lu*.)"
[Tang Qianqing's *Chunqiu Ben Nan Jing Zhushu*] Not seen.
Cao Xiduan's *Biography of Mr. Tang, Official of Jiangning* states: "Mr. married Yan, Wu, and Chen, having two sons. Eldest Fangyi, second Fanghuai, now named Qianqing. Entered Imperial Academy, loved classics, wrote twenty books, also understood Yellow Emperor and Qibo arts, saved people. Grandson Bingjun博览群书 in childhood, showed outstanding insight, admired by all."
[Tang Bingjun's *Nei Nanyu Yao*] Not seen.
Note: These two books appear in *Wenfang Yikao Yiwenzhi*.