《内经太素》杨上善注三十卷,两《唐志》皆着录,北宋以还,渐多散佚,《宋志》仅
存三卷,元以来遂鲜称及之者,盖亡失久矣。光绪中叶,吾乡杨惺吾先生始从日本获唐写
卷子本影钞以归,存二十三卷。桐庐袁忠节公得其书,未加详校,即以付刊, 谬滋多,未
为善本。吾姻友萧北承孝廉,精于医,始聚群籍校正其书,殚精二十年,以成此本。余受而读
之,盖合《灵枢》、《素问》纂为一书,编次卷目,皆有不同,反复以观,然后知《内经》十
八卷之自有真,后人援他书以窜乱《素问》者固非,而据一二浅短之文,疑《灵枢》之出
于伪托者亦误也。《汉志》载《黄帝内经》十八卷,初无《素问》之名,后汉·张仲景《伤
寒论》引之,始称《素问》,晋·皇甫士安《甲乙经》序,称《针经》九卷,《素问》九卷,
皆为《内经》,与《汉志》十八卷之数合,是《素问》之名,实起于汉晋之间,故其书《隋
志》始着于录。然《隋志》虽名九卷,已注明梁八卷,是其书自梁以来早阙其一卷,故全
元起注本仅八卷,已亡其第七篇,是为《素问》原书最初之本。至唐·王冰作注,不知所据
何书,妄称得先师秘本,即隋所亡之第七篇,窜入本书,移易篇第,纂为二十四卷,是为今
《素问》四库着录本。其书出宋·林亿等所校正,当校正时,即谓《天元纪大论》以下七
篇,居今《素问》四卷,篇卷浩大,不与前后相等,所载之事,亦不与余篇相通,疑此七篇,
乃《阴阳大论》之文,王氏取以补《素问》之阙卷者。今按其说,未知确否,而其文系王
氏补入,为全元起本所未有,则显而易见。盖林亿等校正此书,即取全本对勘,于王本移易
篇第之下,注明全元起本在第几卷,独此七篇篇目之下,未经注明全本。其引《太素》杨
上善注,虽不及引全注之详,亦几于卷卷有之,独此七篇会无一字引及,此可为《素问》原
言无此七篇之确证。其不加删汰者,徒以系古医书过而存之云尔。今观杨氏此书,则林亿等
所引以驳正王注者,具在卷中,而《天元纪大论》以下七篇,则全书俱无此文,此可见杨氏
所据以编纂此言之经文,即同元起本,而全注所据之已阙第七篇本,乃系素问原本,窜乱之
迹明,而原言之真出矣,此可征林亿等之说之确者也。《灵枢》之名,汉、隋、唐志皆不载,
宋绍兴中,锦官史崧出其家藏旧本,送官详正,世始有传,是其书至宋中世而始出,故宋志
始着于录。《四库提要》谓即王冰取《九灵》所改名,《九灵》尤详于针,故皇甫谧名之
为《针经》,疑其一经而二名。杭堇浦《灵枢经》跋,据隋志所载,谓《九灵》肩《九
灵》,《针经》自《针经》,可合而为一,冰以《九灵》名《灵枢》,不知其何所本,观
其文义浅短,与《素问》之言不类,疑即出冰之伪托。不知《内经》十八卷,医家取其九
卷,别为一书,名曰《素问》,其余九卷,本无专名。张仲景序《伤寒论》,历引古医经,于
《素问》外,称曰《九卷》,并不标以异名,存其实也。晋·王叙和《脉经》,一同皇甫士
安序《甲乙经》,本仲景之意,以为《内经》十八卷,即此《九卷》及《素问》,又以《素
问》亦九卷,无以别此经,因取其首篇之文,谓之《铁经》九卷,其实《针经》非《九卷》
之名也,故其后仍称《九卷》。《甲乙经》内所引《灵枢》之文,其称皆同于此。今观杨
氏此书,所引《九卷》之文不一而足,并有引《九卷》篇名如《终始》篇者,今其文具在
《灵枢》之中。可知《灵枢》之文,古只称为《九卷》,杨氏据之,其传甚古。王冰谓《灵
枢》即汉志《内经》十八卷之九,其言确有可征。《九灵》之文,今已不传,不知何若。
在王氏并未取以更名《灵枢》,固可信也。若其文义浅短,疑为伪托,则不知《内经》一
书,虽出黄帝,其在古代,不过口耳相传,晚周以还,始着竹帛,大都述自医师,且不出于一
手,故其文义时有短长。今观其义之深者,《九卷》之古奥,虽《素问》有不逮;其浅而
可鄙者,即《素问》未尝不与《九卷》略同。而以源流而论,则《素问》且多出于《九
卷》,观《素问·方盛衰论》,言合之五诊,调之阴阳,已在《经脉》。《经脉》即《灵枢》
篇目,王注已言之,是《素问》之文,且有出于《灵枢》之后者,《素问》且宗《灵枢》,
而谓《灵枢》不逮《素问》乎?徒以宋·史崧撰《灵枢》音释,欲以此九卷配王注《素
问》之数,乃分其卷为二十四,分其篇为八十一。至元间并《素问》为十二卷,又并史崧
《灵枢》之卷以合《素问》。于是古《九卷》之名湮,后人遂疑《灵枢》为晚出之书。
岂知《素问》自《素问》,《九卷》自《九卷》,二者同属古书,皆为杨氏所据,初不疑其
伪托,此可证杭氏之说之误者也。北承究心医书,涉览极博,《内经》不去乎者盖数十年。
其校此书也,据《甲乙经》、《灵枢》、《素问》,以订经文之异同,据《伤寒论》、《巢氏
病源论》、《千金方》、《外台秘要》、日本《医心方》等,以证注义之得失,体例与《素
问》王注新校正相近。其穿穴经论,微契圣心,虽未知于仲景诸家奚若,而用汉学治经义
之法,于宋贤校医言之中,一义必析其微,一文必求其确,盖自林亿、高保衡以还,数百年无
此诣精之作,可断言也。尝自谓生平精力,尽于此书,而决其必传。久客京师,一旦书成,
遂即南归,不肯复出,其自信也如此,即其书可知矣。余懵于医,无以赞之,喜其刻之成而
得以有传于世也,辄为之僭书于后。
甲子冬十月姻愚弟周贞亮谨序
*Neijing Taisu*, annotated by Yang Shangshan, consists of thirty volumes and is recorded in both the *Old Book of Tang* and the *New Book of Tang*. Since the Northern Song Dynasty, it has gradually been lost; only three volumes remained according to the *Song History Bibliography*, and after the Yuan Dynasty, it was rarely mentioned, having likely been extinct for a long time. In the mid-Guangxu period, my fellow townsman Mr. Yang Xingwu (Yang Shoujing) obtained a shadow-copied version of a Tang dynasty manuscript scroll from Japan and brought it back, preserving twenty-three volumes. Lord Yuan Zhongjie of Tonglu acquired this book but, without detailed collation, had it printed, resulting in numerous errors, so it was not a good edition. My relative and friend Xiao Cheng Xiaolian (courtesy name Beicheng), who was proficient in medicine, began to gather various texts to collate this book. After devoting twenty years of painstaking effort, he completed this edition. Upon receiving and reading it, I found that it compiled the *Lingshu* (Spiritual Pivot) and *Suwen* (Basic Questions) into one book, with different volume arrangements and chapter orders. After repeated study, I realized the true nature of the eighteen volumes of the *Neijing*. It is indeed incorrect for later generations to tamper with the *Suwen* by incorporating other texts, but it is also erroneous to doubt that the *Lingshu* is a forgery based on a few shallow or short passages.
The *Bibliography of the Han Book* records the *Huangdi Neijing* as eighteen volumes, initially without the name *Suwen*. Later, Zhang Zhongjing of the Eastern Han Dynasty cited it in his *Shanghan Lun* (Treatise on Cold Pathogenic Diseases), and it began to be called *Suwen*. In the preface to the *Jiayi Jing* (Systematic Classic of Acupuncture and Moxibustion), Huangfu Mi of the Jin Dynasty stated that nine volumes of *Zhenjing* (Needling Canon) and nine volumes of *Suwen* both belonged to the *Neijing*, which matches the eighteen volumes recorded in the *Han Bibliography*. This indicates that the name *Suwen* actually originated between the Han and Jin dynasties, so this work was not listed until the *Sui Book Bibliography*. However, although the *Sui Bibliography* named it nine volumes, it noted that the Liang Dynasty had only eight volumes, indicating that one volume had been missing since the Liang Dynasty. Therefore, Quan Yuanshi’s annotated edition consisted of only eight volumes, having already lost its seventh chapter. This represents the earliest original text of the *Suwen*. During the Tang Dynasty, Wang Bing wrote his commentary. Not knowing what source he relied on, he falsely claimed to have obtained a secret text from his master, which was the seventh volume lost in the Sui Dynasty. He inserted it into the book, rearranged the chapters, and compiled it into twenty-four volumes. This became the edition of the *Suwen* recorded in the *Four Treasuries*.
This book was collated by Lin Yi and others in the Song Dynasty. At the time of collation, they pointed out that the seven chapters from *Tianyuanji Dalun* onwards were located in the fourth volume of the current *Suwen*. These chapters were voluminous and unequal in size compared to preceding and following chapters, and their content did not connect well with other chapters. They suspected that these seven chapters were actually text from the *Yinyang Dalun* (Great Treatise on Yin and Yang), which Wang Bing took to supplement the missing volume of the *Suwen*. Examining this claim now, it is unclear if it is accurate, but it is obvious that these seven chapters were added by Wang Bing and are absent in Quan Yuanshi’s edition. When Lin Yi and others collated this book, they used the complete edition for comparison. Under chapters where Wang Bing had rearranged the order, they noted which volume they occupied in Quan Yuanshi’s edition. However, under the titles of these seven specific chapters, no such note regarding the complete edition was made. Although the citations from Yang Shangshan’s annotation in *Neijing Taisu* were not as detailed as those from Quan’s full notes, they appeared in almost every volume. Yet, not a single word from these seven chapters was cited. This serves as conclusive evidence that the original *Suwen* did not contain these seven chapters. The reason they were not deleted was merely because they were ancient medical texts, preserved out of respect for antiquity.
Now, looking at Yang’s *Neijing Taisu*, the content Lin Yi used to refute Wang Bing’s annotations is present in the book, while the seven chapters from *Tianyuanji Dalun* onwards are entirely absent. This shows that the canonical text Yang used for compilation was consistent with Quan Yuanshi’s edition. The edition upon which Quan’s full notes were based, which lacked the seventh volume, was the original *Suwen*. The traces of tampering are clear, and the authenticity of the original text is revealed. This confirms the accuracy of Lin Yi’s assertion.
The name *Lingshu* does not appear in the bibliographies of the Han, Sui, or Tang dynasties. In the Shaoxing era of the Song Dynasty, Shi Song of Jingguan produced an old copy from his family collection and submitted it to the government for detailed correction, allowing it to circulate in the world. This indicates that the book only emerged in the mid-Song Dynasty, hence its first listing in the *Song Bibliography*. The *Summary of the Four Treasuries* suggests it was renamed by Wang Bing from *Jiuling* (Nine Spirits). *Jiuling* was particularly detailed regarding acupuncture, which is why Huangfu Mi called it *Zhenjing*. There is suspicion that it is one book with two names. Hang Jinping, in his postscript to the *Lingshu Jing*, citing the *Sui Bibliography*, argued that *Jiuling* is *Jiuling* and *Zhenjing* is *Zhenjing*, and they could be merged. Wang Bing naming *Lingshu* after *Jiuling* lacks a known basis. Observing that its literary style is shallow and brief, unlike the *Suwen*, some suspect it is a forgery by Wang Bing.
However, it is unknown that the eighteen volumes of the *Neijing* were selected by physicians, with nine volumes forming a separate book named *Suwen*, while the remaining nine volumes originally had no specific name. In the preface to the *Shanghan Lun*, Zhang Zhongjing listed ancient medical classics. Besides the *Suwen*, he referred to the other nine volumes as *Jiujuan* (Nine Volumes), without assigning them a different name, thus preserving their substantive title. Wang Shuhe of the Jin Dynasty, in the *Maijing* (Pulse Classic), followed the logic of Huangfu Mi’s preface to the *Jiayi Jing*. Following Zhang Zhongjing’s intent, he believed the eighteen volumes of the *Neijing* consisted of these *Jiujuan* and the *Suwen*. Since the *Suwen* was also nine volumes, to distinguish this text, he took the text from its first chapter and referred to it as *Tiejing* (Iron Canon) Nine Volumes. Actually, *Zhenjing* was not the name of *Jiujuan*, so later it was still called *Jiujuan*. The citations of *Lingshu* text in the *Jiayi Jing* use the same terminology. Now, examining Yang’s *Neijing Taisu*, there are numerous citations of *Jiujuan*, including references to chapter names like *Zhongshi* (Ends and Beginnings), which are currently found in the *Lingshu*. This可知 that the text of the *Lingshu* was only called *Jiujuan* in ancient times. Yang relied on it, indicating a very ancient transmission. Wang Bing’s statement that the *Lingshu* corresponds to the nine volumes of the eighteen-volume *Neijing* in the *Han Bibliography* is indeed verifiable. The text of *Jiuling* is no longer extant, so its content is unknown. It is credible that Wang Bing did not use it to rename it *Lingshu*. If one suspects forgery due to shallow literary style, they fail to understand that although the *Neijing* is attributed to the Yellow Emperor, in ancient times it was transmitted orally. It was not written down until the late Zhou Dynasty, mostly composed by physicians and not by a single author. Thus, the literary quality varies. Deep and profound parts of *Jiujuan* are more obscure than the *Suwen*; shallow parts are similar to the *Suwen*. From a genealogical perspective, much of the *Suwen* derives from *Jiujuan*. For instance, the *Suwen · Fang Sheng Shuai Lun* mentions “combining five diagnoses and regulating yin and yang,” which is already present in the *Jingmai* (Meridian Channels) chapter. *Jingmai* is a chapter title in the *Lingshu*, as noted by Wang Bing. This shows that some *Suwen* text may even post-date the *Lingshu*. If the *Suwen* reveres the *Lingshu*, how can one say the *Lingshu* is inferior? It was only because Shi Song of the Song Dynasty wrote phonetic explanations for the *Lingshu*, wanting to match these nine volumes with Wang Bing’s twenty-four volumes of the *Suwen*, that he divided them into twenty-four volumes and eighty-one chapters. In the Yuan Dynasty, the *Suwen* was combined into twelve volumes, and Shi Song’s *Lingshu* volumes were merged with the *Suwen*. Consequently, the ancient name *Jiujuan* was obscured, leading later generations to doubt that the *Lingshu* was a late addition. They did not realize that the *Suwen* is the *Suwen*, and *Jiujuan* is *Jiujuan*; both are ancient texts relied upon by Yang, who never suspected them to be forgeries. This proves Hang’s theory erroneous.
Beicheng devoted himself to medical books, with extensive reading. His study of the *Neijing* spanned decades. In collating this book, he used the *Jiayi Jing*, *Lingshu*, and *Suwen* to verify textual differences; he used the *Shanghan Lun*, *Chao Shi Bingyuan Lun* (Chao’s General Discussion on Disease Sources), *Qianjin Fang* (Essential Prescriptions Worth a Thousand Gold), *Waitai Miyao* (Secret Essentials of the Outer Cabinet), and the Japanese *Ishinpō* (Medical Center Formulas) to validate the gains and losses of annotations. His methodology was similar to the new collations of Wang Bing’s *Suwen* commentary. His deep exploration of meridian theories subtly aligned with sage wisdom. Although it is uncertain how he compares to Zhang Zhongjing and other masters, his application of Han scholarship methods to medical classics—analyzing every nuance of meaning and seeking certainty in every text—represents a level of precision unmatched for centuries since Lin Yi and Gao Baoheng. This can be asserted with certainty. He once said that his life’s energy was poured into this book and that he was determined it would be transmitted. Having lived as a guest in Beijing for a long time, once the book was completed, he immediately returned south and refused to re-enter public office. Such was his self-confidence, which reflects the value of his work. I am ignorant of medicine and have little to add, but I rejoice that it has been printed and will be transmitted to the world. Therefore, I presumptuously write this postscript.
In the tenth month of winter in the Jiazi year, your humble brother-in-law and relative, Zhou Zhenliang, respectfully wrote this preface.