景岳认为:“凡病温病热而因于外感者,皆本于寒,即今医家皆谓之为伤寒",“凡治伤寒,如时寒火衰,内无热邪,而表不解者。宜以辛温热剂散之,时热火盛而表不解者,宜以辛甘平剂散之。"⑤“柴胡之性善泄善散,所以大能走汗”,“用此者用其凉散。”⑥“用得其宜,诸经无不妙也。”⑦基此认识,景岳制散阵诸方,以柴胡作为主药,如证宜凉散,则配黄芩、芍药等为一柴胡饮,“凡六经初感,内外俱有热者宜此”;如证宜温散,则配细辛、生姜等为二柴胡饮,“凡邪感三阳及三阳并病寒胜者宜此主之,三阴初感亦可用。”⑧如证宜平散,则配防风、陈皮等为正柴胡饮,凡此等等,说明景岳用柴胡不拘于少阳,也用以治温病。张志聪对病在太阳不能用柴胡说作了批评,他说,“柴胡,乃从太阴地土、阳明中土而外达于太阳之药也,故仲祖《卒病论》言伤寒中风不从表解,太阳之气逆于中土,不能转枢外出,则用小柴胡汤达太阳之气于肌表,是柴胡并非少阳之主药。后人有病在太阳而用柴胡,则引邪入少阳之说,此无稽之言。”⑧唐迎川也作《论柴胡》,批评了李士材的观点,并说:“柴胡实未印定少阳药也",“余于风邪初感之轻证,及邪气淹留,表热不解之久病用之,并臻神效”,“景岳《新方》中诸柴胡饮、柴芩煎、柴胡白虎煎诸方,信手拈用,头头是道,是诚知柴胡之用,而先得我心之同然矣。”⑩追溯清前医家,也不乏持此种观点者,如东垣等,都不主张以少阳一经来局限柴胡的使用范围,《本草纲目》中“劳有五劳,病在五脏,……东垣李氏言诸有热者宜加之,无热则不加。又言诸经之疟,皆以柴胡为君。十二经疮疽,须用柴胡以散结聚。则是肺疟肾疟,十二经之疮有热者,皆可用之矣”等这类记载,就是佐证。此外,如近贤吴考槃教授也认为;据经限药的说法,是需要进一步加以研究的。⑾
三、平议
余谓《金匮·杂疗方》柴胡饮子,用以退五脏之虚热,小柴胡汤置于太阳篇而不置于少阳篇,似可为仲景不以少阳一经来局限柴胡的使用范围作旁证。景岳作《古方八阵》,将小柴胡汤列入散阵而不列和阵,是有一定道理的。但吴仪洛在《成方切用》中,反将景岳新方散阵中的诸要方,全归列于和解门,这完全违背了景岳组方之本义。近代本草书,咸将柴胡列入发散风热药类,这一作法,与景岳“用此者用其凉散”之认识相吻合。“柴胡有良好的解热作用。”⑿已为临床实践所证实。⑩但现在专论外感热病的全国统一教材《温病学》中,竟难得找出一张用柴胡的治方,说明丁氏等“温病禁用柴胡”的论点,影响犹在。何廉臣说:“近世喜用青蒿而畏柴胡如虎”⑩,并非是夸大之言。观前人之用柴胡,如陶节庵治太阳阳明合病的柴葛解肌汤以及景岳的诸柴胡饮,都未曾拘经限药,也用以治疗温病,后人为怕劫阴而几乎弃置不用,实是治感药法之一大损失。用药总要讲辨证,权衡利弊,温热家视辛温之麻、桂如蛇蝎,又畏辛凉之柴胡如虎,甚主张禁绝,这是因噎废食,这与古医家之恣用柴胡补五劳七伤,是各自走向了不能正确认识柴胡的二个极端,由此可见,理性认识的正确与否,对临床用药,有着多么重大的影响!但柴胡凉散郁热之外,疏肝泄满,亦擅胜长,故虽非专主于少阳,毕竟为肝胆二经之要药,徐洄溪疏柴胡,不顾及此,谓“前人指为少阳之药,是知其末而未知其本。”乃直断其为“肠胃之药”(《神农本草经百种录》),则周岩驳之亦固得。总之,凡立说均不可太过,若一偏即便入歧途,此实论药之亟宜注意者。
参考文献
①转引自《中药大辞典》土837页,上海人民出版社,1977
②李土材,《医宗必读·本草敬要上》
⑧陈修园,《景岳新方砭》,上海文华书局,广益书局版
④转引白《本草害利》34页,中国古籍出版社,1982
⑤张景岳,《景岳全书》132页,岳峙楼藏板
⑥同⑤,914页
⑦同⑤,976页
⑧同⑤,155页
⑨转引自《中药大辞典》1836页,同①
⑩唐笠山,《吴医汇讲》35页,上海科学技术出版社,1983
①吴考盘,新方散阵刍议,《绍兴中医》(内部刊物)
2:6,1983
⑩上海中医学院方药教研组,《中药临床手册》36页,上海人民出版社,1977
⑩《中药研究文献摘要》463页,1963
略谈前人对传染病的认识及其防治原则
我国人们对传染病的认识,可以追溯到甲骨文时代,“甲骨文字中的‘降疾’与‘雨疾’,意即上天如雨一般大量降下疾病,所以同时可以有许多人患一种疾病,或且从甲传到乙,这无疑是指传染病或流行性言。"①林乾良氏对甲骨文中的“”字分析说:“第一,不是一个人而是二个人病倒在床上,两个就是多的意思,第二,其下多“”形,即足趾也,足趾为行走之器官,故古代文字中加足趾形者往往有行走,流动的意思,所以这个疾字是强调可以扩散开来,许多人同时患一种病,当然是与传染病,流行性病有关的了。”②由此可见,我国人民在很早就对传染病有了一定的认识,故“”这个字,无疑是有关传染病的最早文字记载。
到西周,随着农业和天文学的发展,人们不仅认识到气候对农作物有影响,同时也认识到了气候对传染病的影响,如《礼记·月令》中,就有“孟春行秋令,则民大疫”,“季春行夏令,则民多疫疾”等记载。“疫”就是传染病。这是认识到传染病的发生与气候有关的最早文字记载。
在我国最早的医方书《五十二病方》中,将狂犬啮人与犬噬人分列,说明古人对狂犬病已有一定认识。再从《左传》“国人逐瘈狗”的记载来看,可见早在春秋时代,人们就已知道用消灭狂犬的办法来预防狂犬病。这是关于预防狂犬病的最早文字记载。以后《肘后方》中“疗狾犬咬人方,取脑敷之,后不复发”,这是狂犬病治法之发展,若就应用免疫反应原理防治疾病来说,这又是世界上最早的文字记载。可见我国人们在对传染病的认识及防治等许多方面,一直都遥遥处于世界领先地位。
至成书于约战国时代的《内经》中,《素问遗篇·剌法论》已有“黄帝问:余闻五疫之至,皆相染易,无问大小,病状相似,不施救疗,如何可得不相移易者?岐伯曰:不相染者,正气存内,邪不可干,避其毒气”的记载。根据这段文字,我们有理由认为:增强机体免疫机能,并避免接触病原,为防止罹患传染病的二大要点,这是中医自古就有之认识。
东汉初,常有疫病流行,但由于当时“天人感应论”泛滥,认为这是疫鬼所致,故形成了一种“岁终逐疫”的风俗。对此,王充(27—97)进行了严词驳斥。王充认为,所谓疫鬼,实是一种“中人多死”的毒烈之气。由于“气困为热”,“热极为毒"(《论衡·言毒篇》),“毒象人之兵,则其中人,人辄死也”(《订鬼篇》)。这是用唯物主义观点解释病原并批驳谶讳迷信活动的最早文字记载。对后世影响极大。王充认为气有和与不和之分,不和之气统称为邪,邪气除了毒气能流行,还有疫疠之气和腐臭之气等等之分(这可以说是对传染病病原分类之萌芽),其中疫疠之气是一种很易传染,危害性很大的邪气,而其流行,则往往发生在饥馑之岁,如《命义篇》说:“饥馑之岁,饿者满道,温气疫疠,千户灭门。”这些认识,比笼统地称病原为毒气,可以说是前进了一步。王充还以“草木之中,有巴豆野葛,食之凑满,颇多杀人。"“蜘蛛结网,蜚虫过之,或脱或获”等作比喻,认为“灾气加人,亦此类也。不幸遭触而死,幸者免脱而生”(《幸偶篇》)。从而对避免接触病原的重要性,起了强调作用。此外,王充还认识到传染病可以通过“气相污),而传播,他认为“死者累,属,葬棺至十,不曰气相污,而曰葬日凶”(《辨祟篇》),这是很愚蠢的。总之,从《论衡》来看,王充对传染病的认识很为深刻,其医学思想,对后世影响不小,但由于他不是医家,《论衡》又非医学著作,故尚为人们所忽视,实则此书很值得引起研究中医学者的重视。汉代刘熙之《释名》中:“注病,一人死,一人复得,气相灌注也。”其说与王充的“气相污”说相一致。这都说明,我国早在3—4世纪时,就已知道某些传染病是通过空气而传播的。
东汉末年,战乱频繁,而“大兵之后必有大疫,”,从《伤寒论·序》:“余宗属素多,建安纪元以来,犹未十稔,其死亡者,三分有二,伤寒十居其七,”这段文字来看,显然也是有传染病流行,但仲景(150—219)以六气归纳病原,故称之为伤寒。仲景“感往昔之沦丧,伤夭横之莫救,乃勤求古训,博采众方,”撰成《伤寒杂病论》16卷,创立了六经辨证之法,奠定了中医辨证论治的基础,从此对传染病的治疗,始有矩矱可寻。《伤寒论》从现在出眼光来看,虽然其中治疫之法很不全面,但它毕竟是我国治疗传染病的最早方书。
稍后,曹植(192—219)亦认疫原为疠气,《曹集诠评》中“建安二十二年,疠气流行,家家有僵尸之痛,室室有号泣之哀,或阖门而殪,或覆族而丧。"这段文字,亦可佐证仲景所说之广义伤寒,是包括了传染病在内。
迄晋,葛洪(281一341)著《肘后方》,书中记载了多种急性传染病,其对症状的描述,亦较为详细。对病因的认识,基本上是继承了“毒疠之气”为病原的说法,但明确提出了“毒有差别,致病各异”,这可以说是吴又可提出鸡瘟病鸡,猪瘟病猪,—病自有一病之毒说的先声。此书不但有传染病大流行情况的记载(“永微四年此疮从西东流遍于海中”,“以死后复传至旁人乃至灭门”),而且有详细研究,观察沙虱毒传染媒介恙螨的形态,生活习性、传播疾病方式的记载(“已深者,针挑取虫子,正如疥虫,著爪上映光方见行动"),而其中《治瘴气疫疠温毒诸方第十五》一篇,堪推我国最早的防疫专篇。在治疗上,则不独重视清热解毒法,而且大量运用了表里双解法,这对后人处理疫病,也很有影响。由于此书在汜述疫病的防治方面内容较为丰富,故近代医史学家陈邦贤认为;“葛洪在医学上的贡献,一种是对于传染病的认识;一种是炼丹,为制药化学的先驱。"
至隋·巢元方等著《诸病源候论》(610),称疫病病原为“乖戾之气”,说“人感乖戾之气而生病,则病气转相染易,乃至灭门。”并认为“此皆因岁时不和,温凉不节。”这种认识,与《札记》,《论衡》中有关疫病的记载,是一脉相承的。以后吴又可的戾气说,就是在前人这些说法的基础上提出来的。
南宋时,战争连年,民不能耕,饥馑荏至,《儒门事亲·倜有所遇》篇说:“会兴定岁大饥,遂采百草而食”,当时饿孚遍野,常有传染病流行,张子和(约1156一1228)说当时的疫原是瘴疠,如《疟》篇说:“盖扰攘之时,政令颊乱,徭役纷冗,朝戈暮戟,略无少暇,内火与外火俱动,在侯百官吏尤甚,岂可与夷静之人,同法而治者。余亲见泰和六年丙寅,征南师旅大举,至明年军回,是岁瘴疠杀人,莫知其数。”这似是指恶性疟的大流行。
Zhang Jingyue believed: "All cases of warm diseases and heat diseases caused by external pathogens originate from cold, which is what modern physicians refer to as Shanghan (Cold Damage)." "When treating Shanghan, if the climate is cold and internal Yang Qi (Vital Energy) is weak, with no internal heat pathogen but the exterior syndrome remains unresolved, it is appropriate to use acrid-warm-hot formulas to disperse it. If the climate is hot and internal Fire Qi is abundant, while the exterior syndrome remains unresolved, it is appropriate to use acrid-sweet-neutral formulas to disperse it."⑤ "Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) has a nature that excels in draining and dispersing, thus greatly promoting sweating," "Those who use Chaihu utilize its cool-dispersing property."⑥ "If used appropriately, it yields excellent results for all meridians."⑦ Based on this understanding, Zhang Jingyue formulated various prescriptions within the 'San Zhen' (Dispersal Array), using Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) as the principal herb. For instance, if the pattern suits cool dispersal, he combined it with Huangqin (Scutellariae Radix), Shaoyao (Paeoniae Radix), etc., to create Yi Chaihu Yin (First Bupleurin Decoction), "suitable for initial invasion of the Six Meridians where both interior and exterior present heat"; if the pattern suits warm dispersal, he combined it with Xixin (Asari Radix), Shengjiang (Zingiberis Rhizoma Recens), etc., to create Er Chaihu Yin (Second Bupleurin Decoction), "suitable for pathogenic factors invading the Three Yang Meridians or concurrent Three Yang diseases where cold predominates, and also usable for initial invasion of the Three Yin Meridians."⑧ If the pattern suits neutral dispersal, he combined it with Fangfeng (Saposhnikoviae Radix), Chenpi (Citri Reticulatae Pericarpium), etc., to create Zheng Chaihu Yin (Regular Bupleurin Decoction). These examples illustrate that Zhang Jingyue did not restrict the use of Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) solely to the Shaoyang (Lesser Yang) meridian, but also employed it to treat warm diseases. Zhang Zhicong criticized the view that "Chaihu should not be used when the disease is in the Taiyang (Greater Yang) meridian," stating, "Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) is a herb that reaches outward from the Taiyin Earth Soil and Yangming Central Soil to the Taiyang meridian. Therefore, in Zhongjing's *Shu Bing Lun* (Treatise on Acute Diseases), it is stated that if Shanghan or Wind Strike does not resolve from the exterior, and Taiyang Qi rebels in the Central Soil, unable to pivot and move outward, Xiao Chaihu Tang (Minor Bupleurin Decoction) is used to convey Taiyang Qi to the muscle surface. This indicates that Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) is not the primary herb of the Shaoyang meridian. Later generations claimed that using Chaihu for Taiyang diseases draws the pathogen into the Shaoyang meridian; this is baseless talk."⑧ Tang Yingchuan also wrote *On Chaihu*, criticizing Li Shicai's views, saying: "Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) has indeed not been fixed as a Shaoyang herb," "I have used it for mild cases of initial wind-pathogen invasion and for chronic conditions where pathogenic factors linger and exterior heat fails to resolve, achieving miraculous effects," "The various Chaihu Yin formulas, Chaiqin Jian, and Chaihu Baihu Jian in Zhang Jingyue's *New Formulas* are applied effortlessly and logically. This truly demonstrates knowledge of Chaihu's utility and aligns with my own thoughts."⑩ Tracing back to physicians before the Qing Dynasty, there were many who held similar views, such as Li Dongyuan, who did not advocate limiting the scope of Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) to the Shaoyang meridian alone. Records in *Bencao Gangmu* (Compendium of Materia Medica) state: "There are five types of exhaustion (Lao), diseases affecting the Five Zang Organs... Li Dongyuan stated that herbs with heat should be added with Chaihu, without heat, do not add. He also stated that malaria of all meridians should use Chaihu as the sovereign herb. For sores and ulcers of the Twelve Meridians, Chaihu must be used to dissipate accumulations. Thus, lung malaria, kidney malaria, and sores of the Twelve Meridians with heat can all utilize it." Such records serve as evidence. Additionally, modern scholar Professor Wu Kaopan also believed: The theory of restricting drugs based on meridians requires further study.⑾
III. Critical Discussion
I believe that Chaihu Yinzi (Bupleurin Drink) in the *Jinkui Yaolue* (Essential Prescriptions of the Golden Cabinet) - Miscellaneous Treatment Formulas is used to clear deficiency-heat of the Five Zang Organs. The fact that Xiao Chaihu Tang (Minor Bupleurin Decoction) is placed in the Taiyang Chapter rather than the Shaoyang Chapter seems to provide collateral evidence that Zhongjing did not limit the use of Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) to the Shaoyang meridian. Zhang Jingyue, in compiling *Gu Fang Ba Zhen* (Eight Arrays of Ancient Formulas), listed Xiao Chaihu Tang (Minor Bupleurin Decoction) in the Dispersal Array rather than the Harmonizing Array, which is reasonable. However, Wu Yiluo, in *Cheng Fang Qie Yong* (Practical Use of Established Formulas), reversed this by categorizing all key formulas from Zhang Jingyue's new Dispersal Array into the Harmonizing Category, which completely contradicts Zhang Jingyue's original intent in formulating these prescriptions. Modern materia medica classify Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) under herbs that disperse wind-heat, an approach consistent with Zhang Jingyue's recognition that "using Chaihu utilizes its cool-dispersing property." "Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) has a good antipyretic effect,"⑿ which has been confirmed by clinical practice.⑩ Yet, in the current national unified textbook *Wenbing Xue* (Warm Disease Studies) dedicated to exogenous febrile diseases, it is rare to find a single prescription using Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix), indicating that Ding Shi et al.'s argument that "Chaihu is contraindicated in warm diseases" still has influence. He Lianchen said: "In recent times, people favor Qinghao (Artemisiae Annuae Herba) and fear Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) like a tiger,"⑩ which is not an exaggeration. Observing previous physicians' use of Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix), such as Tao Jie'an's Chaige Jiexu Tang (Cinnamon and Kudzu Decoction to Release the Muscle Layer) for concurrent Taiyang-Yangming disease and Zhang Jingyue's various Chaihu Yin formulas, none restricted drug use by meridian, and they were also used to treat warm diseases. Later generations, fearing the depletion of Yin fluids, almost abandoned its use, which is a significant loss in the pharmacological methods for treating exogenous diseases. Medication always requires differentiation of syndromes and weighing pros and cons. Warm disease specialists regard acrid-warm herbs like Mahuang (Ephedrae Herba) and Guizhi (Cinnamomi Ramulus) as snakes and scorpions, and fear acrid-cool Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) like a tiger, even advocating its prohibition. This is giving up eating for fear of choking, just as ancient physicians indiscriminately used Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) to tonify the five exhaustions and seven injuries represent two extremes of failing to correctly understand Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix). This shows how crucial correct rational understanding is for clinical medication! Besides cooling and dispersing stagnant heat, Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix) excels in soothing the Liver and relieving fullness. Although not exclusively governing the Shaoyang meridian, it remains an essential herb for the Liver and Gallbladder meridians. Xu Huixi, in analyzing Chaihu (Bupleuri Radix), ignored this, stating, "Previous physicians identified it as a Shaoyang herb, knowing its branches but not its root." He directly concluded it was a "Gastrointestinal herb" (*Shennong Bencao Jing Baizhong Lu*), against which Zhou Yan refuted him effectively. In summary, theories should not be taken to extremes; bias leads to deviation. This is a critical point to note when discussing herbs.
References
① Cited from *Dictionary of Chinese Materia Medica*, p. 837, Shanghai People's Publishing House, 1977.
② Li Shicai, *Yizong Bidu · Bencao Jingyao Shang*.
③ Chen Xiuyuan, *Jingyue Xin Fang Bian*, Shanghai Wenhua Book Bureau, Guangyi Book Bureau edition.
④ Cited from *Bencao Haili*, p. 34, China Ancient Books Publishing House, 1982.
⑤ Zhang Jingyue, *Jingyue Quanshu*, p. 132, Yuezhi Lou Edition.
⑥ Ibid., p. 914.
⑦ Ibid., p. 976.
⑧ Ibid., p. 155.
⑨ Cited from *Dictionary of Chinese Materia Medica*, p. 1836, ibid.
⑩ Tang Lishan, *Wu Yi Hui Jiang*, p. 35, Shanghai Science and Technology Press, 1983.
⑪ Wu Kaopan, "Discussion on the Dispersal Array of New Formulas," *Shaoxing Traditional Chinese Medicine* (Internal Publication) 2:6, 1983.
⑫ Pharmacy Teaching and Research Group, Shanghai College of Traditional Chinese Medicine, *Clinical Manual of Chinese Materia Medica*, p. 36, Shanghai People's Publishing House, 1977.
⑬ *Abstracts of Literature on Chinese Materia Medica*, p. 463, 1963.
⑭ Yu Genuchu, *Tongsu Shanghan Lun* (Popular Treatise on Cold Damage), Vol. II, p. 11, Liuyetang Bookshop.
Brief Discussion on Predecessors' Understanding of Infectious Diseases and Their Prevention Principles
China's understanding of infectious diseases can be traced back to the Oracle Bone Script era. "'Jiangji' (Descending Illness) and 'Yuji' (Rain Illness) in Oracle Bone Script imply that heaven descends illness upon humanity like rain, meaning many people could suffer from the same disease simultaneously or transmit it from person A to person B. This undoubtedly refers to infectious or epidemic diseases."① Lin Qianliang analyzed the character "Ji" (Disease/Illness) in Oracle Bone Script, stating: "First, it depicts not one but two people bedridden; 'two' implies 'many'. Second, below it is the shape of 'Zhi' (Foot/Toe); toes are organs of walking. Thus, characters in ancient scripts with foot shapes often imply walking or flowing. Therefore, this 'Ji' character emphasizes diffusion, suggesting many people suffering from one disease simultaneously, clearly related to infectious and epidemic diseases."② Thus, the Chinese people had certain understandings of infectious diseases very early on, making this character undoubtedly the earliest written record concerning infectious diseases.
By the Western Zhou Dynasty, with developments in agriculture and astronomy, people recognized not only the impact of climate on crops but also on infectious diseases. Records in *Liji · Yueling* (Book of Rites · Monthly Ordinances) include "If autumn ordinances are followed in early spring, the people will suffer great epidemics," and "If summer ordinances are followed in late spring, the people will suffer many epidemic diseases." 'Yi' (Epidemic) refers to infectious disease. This is the earliest written record linking the occurrence of infectious diseases to climate.
In China's earliest medical formula book, *Wushi'er Bingfang* (Prescriptions for Fifty-Two Ailments), bites from rabid dogs and normal dogs are listed separately, indicating ancient people had some understanding of rabies. Furthermore, records in *Zuo Zhuan* about "citizens chasing mad dogs" show that as early as the Spring and Autumn period, people knew to prevent rabies by eliminating mad dogs. This is the earliest written record regarding rabies prevention. Later, *Zhouhou Beifang* (Handbook of Prescriptions for Emergencies) recorded "To treat dog bites, apply brain tissue to the wound; it will not recur." This represents a development in rabies treatment. From the perspective of applying immune response principles for disease prevention and treatment, this is also the world's earliest written record. Thus, China has long led the world in many aspects of understanding and preventing infectious diseases.
In the *Neijing* (Inner Canon), compiled around the Warring States period, *Suwen Yipian · Cifa Lun* (Supplement to Basic Questions · Methods of Needling) contains: "Yellow Emperor asked: I hear that when the Five Plagues arrive, they infect each other, regardless of age, with similar symptoms. If no treatment is provided, how can transmission be prevented? Qibo replied: Those not infected have righteous Qi (Upright Energy) stored within, so evil cannot invade; avoid toxic qi." Based on this text, we have reason to believe that enhancing the body's immune function and avoiding contact with pathogens are the two main points for preventing infectious diseases, a concept inherent in Traditional Chinese Medicine since ancient times.
In the early Eastern Han Dynasty, epidemics were frequent. However, due to the prevalence of the "Theory of Heaven-Man Induction," which attributed epidemics to plague ghosts, a custom of "driving out plagues at year-end" formed. Wang Chong (27–97) rigorously refuted this. Wang Chong argued that so-called plague ghosts were actually toxic and fierce Qi that caused many deaths among those exposed. Since "Qi stagnation generates heat," and "extreme heat becomes poison" (*Lunheng · Yan Du Pian*), "Poison acts like weapons on humans; when it strikes a person, they die immediately" (*Ding Gui Pian*). This is the earliest written record explaining pathogens from a materialistic viewpoint and refuting superstitious activities. It had a profound impact on later generations. Wang Chong believed Qi has harmony and disharmony; disharmonious Qi is collectively called Evil (Xie). Besides toxic Qi that spreads, there are epidemic pestilence Qi and foul Qi, etc. (this can be seen as the embryonic stage of classifying infectious disease pathogens). Epidemic pestilence Qi is highly contagious and harmful, often occurring in years of famine, as stated in *Mingyi Pian*: "In years of famine, the roads are filled with the starving; warm air and epidemic pestilence destroy entire families of thousands." These insights represented progress over simply attributing pathogens to generic toxic Qi. Wang Chong also used metaphors like "Among plants, there are Croton seeds and wild kudzu; consuming them causes bloating and often death," and "Spiders weave webs; flying insects pass through, some escape, some are caught," arguing that "Disaster Qi affecting humans is similar. Unluckily touching it leads to death; luckily escaping leads to life" (*Xingou Pian*). This emphasized the importance of avoiding pathogen contact. Additionally, Wang Chong recognized that infectious diseases could spread through "contaminated Qi," stating "Dead bodies piled up, ten coffins buried, yet people say the burial day is unlucky rather than Qi contamination" (*Bian Sui Pian*), which was foolish. In summary, Wang Chong's understanding of infectious diseases in *Lunheng* was profound, and his medical thought significantly influenced later generations. However, since he was not a physician and *Lunheng* was not a medical text, it was overlooked, though it deserves attention from TCM researchers. Liu Xi's *Shiming* in the Han Dynasty stated: "Zhubing (Transmitting Disease): One dies, another gets it, Qi pours into each other." This aligns with Wang Chong's "Qi contamination" theory. Both indicate that China already knew certain infectious diseases were transmitted via air as early as the 3rd–4th centuries.
At the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, frequent wars led to "great epidemics after great armies." From the Preface to *Shanghan Lun* (Treatise on Cold Damage): "My clan members were numerous. Since the Jian'an era began, less than ten years have passed, yet two-thirds have died, seven out of ten from Shanghan." Clearly, infectious diseases were prevalent. However, Zhang Zhongjing (150–219) categorized pathogens using the Six Qi framework, hence calling it Shanghan. Moved by past losses and helpless against premature deaths, Zhongjing "diligently sought ancient teachings and extensively collected prescriptions," compiling the 16-volume *Shanghan Zabing Lun* (Treatise on Cold Damage and Miscellaneous Diseases). He established the Six Meridian Differentiation method, laying the foundation for TCM syndrome differentiation and treatment. From then on, there were standards for treating infectious diseases. Although the *Shanghan Lun*'s methods for treating epidemics seem incomplete by modern standards, it remains China's earliest formula book for treating infectious diseases.
Shortly after, Cao Zhi (192–219) also identified the epidemic origin as Liqi (Pestilential Qi). In *Cao Ji Quanping*: "In the 22nd year of Jian'an, pestilential Qi spread; every family mourned dead corpses, every room echoed with wailing. Some entire households perished, some whole clans were wiped out." This text corroborates that Zhongjing's broad sense of Shanghan included infectious diseases.
During the Jin Dynasty, Ge Hong (281–341) wrote *Zhouhou Beifang* (Handbook of Prescriptions for Emergencies), recording various acute infectious diseases with detailed symptom descriptions. His understanding of etiology basically inherited the idea of "toxic pestilential Qi" as the pathogen but explicitly proposed "poisons differ, causing different diseases," foreshadowing Wu Youke's later theory that "chicken plague kills chickens, swine plague kills pigs; each disease has its own specific poison." This book not only recorded large-scale epidemics ("In the 4th year of Yonghui, this sore flowed from west to east across the seas," "After death, it transmitted to others, even wiping out families") but also detailed studies on the sand flea (vector of scrub typhus), observing its morphology, habits, and transmission mode ("If deep, pick out the bug with a needle, just like a scabies mite, visible moving only when held against light"). The chapter "Fifteen Formulas for Treating Miasma, Pestilence, and Warm Toxins" is considered China's earliest specialized article on epidemic prevention. Therapeutically, it not only valued clearing heat and detoxifying methods but also extensively used simultaneous exterior-interior resolving methods, influencing later handling of epidemics. Due to its rich content on epidemic prevention and treatment, modern medical historian Chen Bangxian believed: "Ge Hong's contribution to medicine lies in two areas: one is the understanding of infectious diseases; the other is alchemy, pioneering pharmaceutical chemistry."
In the Sui Dynasty, Chao Yuanfang et al. authored *Zhubing Yuanhou Lun* (General Treatise on the Origins and Manifestations of All Diseases, 610), calling epidemic pathogens "Guili Qi" (Aberrant Qi), stating "When people contract aberrant Qi and become ill, the disease Qi transmits and infects others, even wiping out families." They believed "This is all due to discordant seasons and improper regulation of warmth and coolness." This understanding continues the lineage of epidemic records in *Liji* and *Lunheng*. Wu Youke's later "Liqi Theory" (Pestilential Qi Theory) was proposed on the basis of these earlier ideas.
During the Southern Song Dynasty, continuous wars prevented farming, leading to famines. The *Rumen Shiqin · Ti You Suo Yu* chapter states: "In the year of Xingding, there was a great famine, so people gathered hundred herbs to eat." With corpses filling the fields, infectious diseases were common. Zhang Hezi (c. 1156–1228) stated the epidemic origin at that time was Zhangli (Miasma Pestilence). In the *Nüe* (Malaria) chapter, he said: "During chaotic times, laws were confused, corvée labor was heavy, morning spears and evening halberds left no rest. Internal fire and external fire moved together, especially among officials. How could they be treated the same as peaceful people? I personally witnessed the 6th year of Taihe (Bingyin), when southern campaigns launched massively. By the next year when troops returned, that year's miasma pestilence killed countless people." This likely refers to a major outbreak of malignant malaria.