与恽氏同时而对叶派亦作攻誹者,尚有张山雷(1873-1934),张氏名寿颐,江苏嘉定人。热心于中医教育,在浙江兰溪中医专校任教时,自编教材,注重实用,著作亦多,约20余种。其中如《中风斠诠》、《疡科纲要》等,在医界均有一定影响。其《湿温病古今医案平议》一书,主要是因为感到《温病条辨》一书之论湿温,看似“罗罗清疏,言之成理,然总是凭空拟议,悬想仿佛”,“窃恐执死法以治活人,枘凿方圆,格格不入,贻误亦必不小”所以他选择治案,推阐原委,欲为学子立一临床实验之正鹄而撰此书。书中对叶派之抨击,字里行间,每有可见。如在醴公治曾某案的平议中,说:“讝语神昏,本属热灼脑髓,扰乱神经”“若以叶派诸公处此,必谓逆传心包,犀角地黄,玄参知麦,牛黄至宝之属,俯拾即是,乃演成苏谈之所谓防其痉厥,防其外闭内脱,而无一不痉厥闭脱,随呼随应,时医名手,八九皆然。”又如在治田芝祥一案后说:“……神志已糊,脑神经已受熏灼,醴泉所谓热入营络,侵犯心主宫城,尚是叶派欺人之语,在今日已知是通套空话,不必再污笔墨。”又如丙寅九月十五日甲医初诊一案,在丙医八诊后之平议中,认为:今日见证,是“热邪充斥三焦,深入灼阴之明证,乃至此则想出养阴二字,则又叶派杀人之绝妙好手也。”他说此等方案“本无可取,然姑存之而备论其谬,以告初学,俾知惊惕,亦是一法。”现其上议,可知其持论与陆九芝同。此与“自叶氏《温热论》,以首先犯肺,逆传心包八字提纲,遂若温热为病,非肺即心,非心印肺,竟将阳明最多最重要之证,略而不言,一见神昏,必从心包主治”,以至宝、犀黄,生地,玄参等庞杂乱投为惯技,助纣为虐,终至不可救药云云,亦可互为印证。
于此,抨击攻排叶吴之学的流派,由陆九芝、恽铁樵,张山雷等,已基本形成,该派在与叶派的学术论争中,由底定巩固而加深加广,流泽方长。
析流
三、诘难叶派之别开生面期
恽氏之后,学术争鸣与门户之间的互相攻讦,已夹杂在一起,竟成了中医界迄今未能完全荡除之恶习。但学术上的质难诘驳,也在深入发展。
迄山阴祝味菊出,其对叶派之批判,有新见解,如论温邪引起温病说之非,说贯中西,言前人所未言,开始触动叶派学说之根本。祝氏早年悬壶成都,为四川名医,后到上海,独树一帜,形成一个以温补为特点的祝氏学派,被中医界公认为是仲景一脉之后劲。
祝氏初到上海时在1927年,据其自云:彼时沪上医家,多属叶派。视氏因医风与之不同,初不敢孟浪悬壶,"于是虚心下气,待诊于名医朱某之门,凡三阅月,深佩其机巧莫测,料变若神,然病者往往由轻而重,而死,医者逐步料到,而不能挽其死。由辛凉解表,甘淡驱湿,而致透热转气,清营散血。由宣化湿浊,滋阴清热,而至涤痰开窍,平熄肝风。医者逐步做到,而总不能弭其变,挽其死,于是爽然若失,默然深感名医之所以成名医者,在于料病识变,而不在于劫病救变。”为此,祝氏对叶派医者大为不满,他猛烈抨击这种时弊说:“彼时医处方,以轻灵为通俗,以寒凉为平稳,侈言病变,予谋卸过,伪作谦和,过示审慎,用药维轻,用术维精,煦寒问暖,若有同情,成则居为已功,败则诿诸天命,可以欺妇孺,骇庸俗,乌足以受大命。”又说:“彼时俗之医,习用轻清,幸而得手,已令延期,每见不药可愈之病,一候又一候,必欲令其邪正俱惫而后休,贪天之功,以为已有,皆造孽之徒也。”批评叶派医者,采用这样措词,真可谓是恽氏学派之遗风。但祝氏之攻讦,是由于愤慨,因彼时叶派中人,排斥异己,亦颇为失当。如1929年,有徐某弟患感证甚剧,先由叶派医者治疗,全谓热入心包,主用清官之类,因治不见效,病家改延祝氏,祝氏予麻,桂、姜、附之类,一劑后未见转机,病家心焦,复延叶派名医,谓已为祝氏误治,不可救药,辞不治。病家于悲痛中觅祝强归,露怨尤祝氏意,祝氏悉情后,因学验丰富,胆识过人,乃一力承担,处方無更只字,先后服六剂而告愈(此事详载于《伤寒质难》)。从这一例子来看,叶派中人,因笃信己学,竟有轻率攻誹他医若是者,祝氏受到这样攻击,在著述中有愤愤之词,应当说是情有可愿的。但现在时代已经不同,医者若仍因学术观点之异,继续互相攻讦,就只能加深门户之见和助长党同伐异之风,给振兴中医事业带来损害,这一点现在很值得我们的注意。
据《温病明理》记载,恽氏之世,时医已多“崇拜天士为医圣,谓鞠通《温病条辨》,可以与仲景《伤寒论》分庭抗礼。”这说明中医不但曾有人把仲景当偶象来崇拜,也早有人把叶天士作为偶象来崇拜。所以姜春华老说,“我们不要把叶氏当作偶象来崇拜,不要把他治疗温病的经验当作顶峰。”这无疑是正确的。在这一问题上,祝氏不迷信权威的态度是很为可取的,祝氏以五段代六经,已足说明他崇尚仲景学说而不泥于仲景学说。对于叶桂,他说:“天士亦人也,人尽有智也,焉知今人之不昔若也。”当然,这话在崇拜叶氏为医圣的人看来是狂妄。但祝氏认为:“学说之演变不已,往往昨是而今非,后生可畏,安知来者之不如昔耶。”又说:“苟能融会中西,探索真理,不通则已,通则豁然开朗,如登泰山之顶而望日出,气象千万,彼金元诸家,直足底浮云耳。”这种见解,在执着成见,拒绝新知,以仲景或天士为医圣,拜倒于古人脚下,为已有知识束缚住自己的思想,而听不得不同意见的人,是根本不敢想象的。
祝氏医著中,《伤寒质难》一书,很有学术价值,此书新见解不少。内中“太阳伤寒关于温热病之分辨”一篇,实为诘难批评叶氏学说之专篇。总的来说,祝氏认为叶派之学不可盲从,《温热论》瑕疵很多,吴鞠通、王孟英辈推波助澜,以为叶氏之温热,足以颉颃仲景之伤寒,实则疵谬矛盾,不胜枚举。
《伤寒质难》系祝氏口述,由其弟子陈苏生老笔录,写于1944年,刊行于1950年,是一本以师生问答形式汇录的研讨外感热病之专著,文笔畅茂,论理精湛,且参西说中,不乏创见,惜仅印过二千册,现社会上已很少流传。(上海中医学会图书馆有藏本。)
陈苏生老原亦时方医者,曾与祝氏展开舌战,几经辩论,始折服称弟子,后卒获视氏心传,成为视派之传人,著有《温热管窥》(内部印行),亦不同凡响之作。陈老今尚健在。
又上海儿科名医徐小圃,原亦时方医者,后因其子伯远病危,时沪上叶派中名家及西医均束手,经祝氏一力承担而治愈,徐氏受此影响,后亦转变医风,成为祝派中之佼佼者。其子伯远、仲才,俱受业于祝氏,徐仲才教授现执教于上海中医学院。祝派门人,健在者尚多,沪上名医如江克明、王绍基、王九峰等俱属。
与祝氏同时而极力攻排叶派者,尚有孔庆莱(1816一?),孔氏名蔼如,浙江肖山人。1902年中秀才,后至日本入庆炎大学,得化学博士学位回国,先受聘于商务印书馆,编辑《化学》,能诗,为南社社员,后以身弱多病,钻研医学,现代名医陈道隆为门下士。在1929年执教于浙江中医专门学校时,于《校友会年刊》上发表了《中风真类辨》、《近代医派论》等医文。他对徐灵胎十分推崇,贬吴塘则颇烈,《近代医派论》说:“徐氏以天纵之资,道德高隆,聪明正直,品才学识,卓绝千秋,上承道统,下启后人,瑞民族精神之所寄,盖数百年中第一人也。"对叶派中人则大加贬斥,他说:“妄人吴鞠通者,荒谬绝伦,荡无廉耻,窃人余唾,以著《温病条辨》,人以迩名,其学则如通如不通,有通有不通,或通或不通,忽通忽不通,其人本无足取,其说本无足录,时逢末劫,其书盛行,昏庸之徒,以其简陋而易学也,昧然宗之,视为兰台秘笈,竟谓歧黄至理,尽于此矣,病家既趋之惟恐不及,蠢夫斯日益骄横,心高气傲,几目病人为无物。”孔氏甚至说:“红羊兵祸,不过十年,鞠通之祸,直百年而未已。”故他大骂鞠通,说他是“医门败类”,并认为其学之流行,实为黎民之厄运,他为了贬斥其学,故特著《鞠通发挥》一书。此外,他对王孟英,亦加攻誹,说:“同时有王孟英者,挥文弄墨,似是而非,比于鞠通,似觉稍胜一筹,然亦百步与五十步之间耳。”因他对孟英开口阴虚,动笔寒凉,十分不满,故又“著《孟英问堆》以辨之,盖以其似是而非,误人实深,故不自觉其言弗也。”他还认为陆九芝之抨击叶吴,虽然鹤立鸡群,但力量不足,故收效亦微,又因曲高和寡,他“慨余风已杳,痛后继无人。”故有上述二书之撰作,但因未尝印行,仅以手抄本流传,故影响不大。此外,孔氏尚著有《诊余痛言》,内容未详。
在《医界春秋》杂志上,熊寥笙老在致余无言书中,亦云据其治疗经验,以叶派药法治湿温,疗效不好。熊老亦为今医林之耆宿。
近代著名思想家章太炎,对叶派学说也持批评态度,他在杭州中医专校讲课时,曾抨击叶派,说:“近代叶派之流,于病状尚未说明,先以五行之谈为铺张,则直是油腔滑调矣!”其实,叶氏写案,比较朴实,其言五行者虽多,但侈谈者实少,后世学叶氏的人,不能获其神髓,徒在字面上著力,以五行之谈为铺张,好象邯郸学步,这固然是一个为章氏抨击的原因。但章氏对五行学说持批判态度,故其论如上,其实章氏全盘否定五行,是不正确的。但章氏之论湿温,对叶吴提出悬牛头卖马脯,名不符实的批评,言前人所未言,语颇精深,他指出;湿温之名,首见于《难经》,然尚未志其症状,迄《脉经》始补充之,嗣后《活人书》、《本事方》皆以之为据,但后人竟以脉证完全相异之病,“强傅以湿温之名,叶桂倡之,吴塘以来附之,众口雷同,牢不可破,夫病之治疗,古今或容有异,若以病状定病名,此不能违古而妄更,叶吴之湿温,可谓悬牛头卖马脯矣。”此论对后人之抨击叶派,很有启迪。在对叶派学说之抨击中,若此别开生面之论,陆九芝、恽铁樵之后,殊不多见。因祝味菊、章太炎诸氏之诘难叶派,不因循陆、恽等人已谈过之旧说,故余称为诘难叶派之别开生面期。
四、批评叶派之奠基祇定期
陆氏抨击叶派,尚不过措词较为激烈。恽氏与废止派大论战,彼此常谩骂,寒温之争夹杂其中,由此而掀起互相攻讦之风,到诘难叶派期尚颇有陋习。但再次以降,排异攻讦渐转为注重说理,学术争鸣风气稍趋正常。
此时如时逸人(1896-1966)之论寒温,虽对吴鞠通等有批评,但措词平允,重在说理,且一分为二,字里行间没有以诋訾泄愤为快之气氛,这样讨论学术,值得我们效法。
Contemporary with Yun Tieqiao, who also fiercely criticized the Ye Tianshi school, was Zhang Shanlei (1873–1934). Zhang, whose given name was Shouyi, was from Jiading, Jiangsu. He was enthusiastic about Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) education. While teaching at the Zhejiang Lanxi TCM Specialized School, he compiled his own textbooks, emphasizing practicality, and produced numerous works, approximately twenty in total. Among them, *Zhongfeng Jiaozhun* (Corrected Explanation of Wind Stroke) and *Yangke Gangyao* (Outline of Surgery) had a certain influence in the medical community. His book *Shiwenbing Gjin Yian Pingyi* (Commentary on Ancient and Modern Medical Cases of Damp-Warmth Disease) was primarily written because he felt that Wu Jutong’s *Wenbing Tiaobian* (Systematic Classification of Warm Diseases), regarding damp-warmth, although appearing "clearly organized and logically sound," was always "speculative and illusory." He feared that "adhering to rigid rules to treat living patients would be like forcing a square peg into a round hole, causing significant harm through misdiagnosis." Therefore, he selected medical cases, traced their origins, and wrote this book to establish a standard for clinical experimentation for students. Criticisms of the Ye school are visible throughout the text. For instance, in commenting on Li Gong’s treatment of Patient Zeng, he stated: "Delirium and coma essentially belong to heat scorching the brain marrow and disturbing the nerves." "If physicians of the Ye school encountered this, they would certainly say it is retrograde transmission to the Pericardium (Xinbao, 心包 - the protective membrane surrounding the heart), and would readily prescribe formulas such as Xijiao Dihuang Tang (Rhinoceros Horn and Rehmannia Decoction), Xuanshen Zhimu Maidong Tang (Scrophularia, Anemarrhena, and Ophiopogon Decoction), or Niuhuang Zhibao Dan (Calculus Bovis and Precious Treasure Pill). This would lead to the situation described by Su Tan: 'preventing spasms and convulsions, preventing external closure and internal collapse,' yet inevitably resulting in spasms, convulsions, closure, and collapse, responding instantly to calls. Eight or nine out of ten famous physicians of that time were like this." Furthermore, after commenting on the case of Tian Zhixiang, he said: "...The mental state has already become confused, and the brain nerves have been scorched. Li Quan’s statement that 'heat enters the Ying (Nutritive) level and collaterals, invading the Palace City of the Heart Master' is still the deceptive talk of the Ye school. Today, we know this is just empty jargon; there is no need to waste ink on it." In another case, the initial diagnosis by Physician Jia on September 15, Bingyin year, in the commentary following Physician Bing’s eighth diagnosis, he believed: "The current manifestations are clear evidence of heat pathogens filling the Sanjiao (Triple Burner, 三焦 - the system of fluid metabolism and energy distribution) and deeply scorching Yin fluids. To come up with the concept of 'nourishing Yin' at this stage is another brilliant but deadly trick of the Ye school." He stated that these prescriptions "have nothing to recommend them, but I will preserve them and discuss their errors in detail to warn beginners, so they may be alert. This is also a method." From these commentaries, it can be seen that his theoretical stance aligns with Lu Jiuzhi. This corroborates the view that "Since Ye’s *Wenre Lun* (Treatise on Warm Heat) proposed the eight-character outline of 'first attacking the Lung, then retrograde transmission to the Pericardium,' people came to believe that warm diseases either affect the Lung or the Heart, never both simultaneously. They neglected the most common and important syndromes of the Yangming channel. Upon seeing coma, they invariably treated from the perspective of the Pericardium, making it customary to indiscriminately administer complex drugs such as Zhibao Dan (Precious Treasure Pill), Xihuang Wan (Rhino-Horn and Musk Pill), Shengdi (Rehmannia Root), and Xuanshen (Scrophularia Root), aiding tyranny until the condition became incurable."
Thus, the faction criticizing and rejecting the Ye-Wu (Ye Tianshi and Wu Jutong) school, represented by Lu Jiuzhi, Yun Tieqiao, and Zhang Shanlei, had basically formed. Through academic debates with the Ye school, this faction consolidated, deepened, and expanded its influence, leaving a lasting legacy.
Analysis of Trends
III. The Period of Novel Refutation of the Ye School
After Yun Tieqiao, academic debates became entangled with sectarian attacks, becoming an evil habit in the TCM community that has not yet been fully eradicated. However, academic questioning and refutation continued to develop in depth.
It was not until Zhu Weiju from Shanyin emerged that new perspectives appeared in the criticism of the Ye school. For example, he refuted the theory that warm pathogens cause warm diseases, integrating Chinese and Western medicine, and voicing opinions previously unexpressed, thereby touching upon the very foundation of the Ye school’s theories. Zhu practiced medicine early in Chengdu, where he was a famous physician in Sichuan, and later moved to Shanghai, establishing a unique style. He formed the Zhu School, characterized by warming and tonifying methods, and was publicly recognized by the TCM community as a capable successor to the lineage of Zhang Zhongjing.
Zhu first arrived in Shanghai in 1927. According to his own account: At that time, most physicians in Shanghai belonged to the Ye school. Because his medical style differed, he initially dared not practice recklessly. "So, with humility, I waited for consultations under the guidance of a famous physician surnamed Zhu for three months. I deeply admired his unpredictable ingenuity and divine ability to predict changes. However, patients often progressed from mild to severe conditions and died. Physicians predicted the changes step-by-step but could not save them. Treatments ranged from acrid-cool methods to release the exterior, sweet-bland methods to drain dampness, to penetrating heat and transforming Qi, clearing the Ying level and dispersing blood stasis; from ventilating and transforming damp turbidity, nourishing Yin and clearing heat, to washing away phlegm and opening the orifices, and calming liver wind. Physicians achieved each step but could never stop the progression or save lives. Thus, feeling lost, I silently realized that the reason famous physicians gain fame lies in predicting disease and recognizing changes, not in desperately trying to save lives against inevitable decline." Consequently, Zhu was greatly dissatisfied with Ye school physicians. He fiercely criticized this malpractice: "Physicians of that time prescribed medicines valuing lightness and subtlety as popular, and cold/cool properties as safe. They exaggerated pathological changes to shift blame, feigned modesty, and displayed excessive caution. Medications were kept light, techniques refined. They showed sympathy, asking about cold and warmth. If successful, they claimed credit; if failed, they blamed fate. This could deceive women and children and astonish the vulgar, but how could it bear the responsibility of healing?" He further said: "Vulgar physicians of that era habitually used light and clear herbs. By luck, they succeeded, merely prolonging life. Often, diseases that could heal without medication were dragged out session by session, until both pathogen and healthy Qi were exhausted. They stole heaven’s merit for themselves; they are all sinners." Criticizing Ye school physicians with such wording truly reflected the legacy of the Yun school. However, Zhu’s attacks stemmed from indignation, as members of the Ye school at that time excluded dissenters inappropriately. For example, in 1929, the younger brother of Patient Xu suffered from a severe infectious syndrome. Initially treated by a Ye school physician who diagnosed "heat entering the Pericardium" and primarily used Qinggong Tang (Clear the Palace Decoction), the treatment was ineffective. The family then invited Zhu. Zhu prescribed Ephedrae Herba (Mahuang, 麻黄), Cinnamomi Ramulus (Guizhi, 桂枝), Zingiberis Rhizoma (Ganjiang, 干姜), and Aconiti Lateralis Radix Praeparata (Fuzi, 附子). After one dose, there was no improvement. Anxious, the family invited a famous Ye school physician, who claimed Zhu had caused fatal mismanagement and refused to treat the patient. In grief, the family begged Zhu to return. Expressing resentment towards Zhu, Zhu, after understanding the situation and relying on his rich experience and courage, took full responsibility. He did not change the prescription a single character. After taking six doses, the patient recovered (this incident is detailed in *Shanghan Zhinan*). From this example, it can be seen that members of the Ye school, due to blind faith in their own theories, could rashly slander other doctors. Zhu’s indignant words in his writings in response to such attacks are understandable. However, times have changed. If physicians continue to attack each other due to differing academic views, it will only deepen sectarian prejudices and foster clique mentality, harming the revitalization of TCM. This is a point worthy of our attention today.
According to *Wenbing Mingli*, during Yun Tieqiao’s time, many contemporary physicians "worshipped Tianshi [Ye Tianshi] as the Medical Sage, believing that Jutong’s [Wu Jutong’s] *Wenbing Tiaobian* could stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Zhongjing’s *Shanghan Lun* (Treatise on Cold Damage)." This shows that not only was Zhang Zhongjing worshipped as an idol, but Ye Tianshi was also revered as such. Therefore, Jiang Chunhua senior said, "We should not worship Ye as an idol, nor regard his experience in treating warm diseases as the pinnacle." This is undoubtedly correct. On this issue, Zhu’s attitude of not blindly following authority is commendable. Zhu’s use of five stages instead of the Six Channels demonstrates that he esteemed Zhongjing’s theories without being bound by them. Regarding Ye Gui, he said: "Tianshi was also a human. Humans all possess wisdom. How do we know that modern people are inferior to ancients?" Of course, this sounds arrogant to those who worship Ye as the Medical Sage. But Zhu believed: "Theories evolve continuously. What was correct yesterday may be wrong today. The younger generation is to be feared; how do we know future generations will not surpass the past?" He also said: "If one can integrate Chinese and Western medicine and explore truth, once understood, it becomes clear as day, like standing atop Mount Tai watching the sunrise, with myriad vistas. The scholars of the Jin and Yuan dynasties are merely floating clouds beneath one's feet." Such insights are unimaginable to those clinging to preconceptions, rejecting new knowledge, worshipping Zhang Zhongjing or Ye Tianshi as sages, bowing before ancients, and letting existing knowledge bind their minds, unable to accept different opinions.
Among Zhu’s medical writings, *Shanghan Zhinan* (Difficult Questions on Cold Damage) has high academic value and contains many novel insights. The chapter "Differentiation between Taiyang Cold Damage and Warm Diseases" is specifically dedicated to refuting and criticizing Ye’s theories. Generally, Zhu believed that the Ye school’s theories should not be followed blindly. *Wenre Lun* has many flaws, and Wu Jutong, Wang Mengying, and others fueled the fire, claiming that Ye’s warm diseases could rival Zhongjing’s cold damage. In reality, there are countless contradictions and errors.
*Shanghan Zhinan* was dictated by Zhu and recorded by his disciple Chen Susheng. It was written in 1944 and published in 1950. It is a monograph discussing exogenous febrile diseases in the form of teacher-student dialogues. The writing is fluent, the reasoning profound, and it incorporates Western concepts, offering many creative views. Unfortunately, only 2,000 copies were printed, and it is rarely circulated today. (A copy is held in the library of the Shanghai Association of Traditional Chinese Medicine.)
Chen Susheng was originally a practitioner of contemporary formulas. He engaged in heated debates with Zhu, eventually submitting after several rounds of argumentation, becoming a disciple, and ultimately inheriting Zhu’s core teachings. He became a representative of the Zhu school and authored *Wenre Guankui* (Peering into Warm Heat, internally printed), which is also an outstanding work. Mr. Chen is still alive today.
Another famous pediatrician in Shanghai, Xu Xiaopu, was originally a practitioner of contemporary formulas. Later, when his son Boyuan fell critically ill, renowned Ye school physicians and Western doctors in Shanghai were at a loss. After Zhu took charge and cured him, Xu was influenced and changed his medical style, becoming a prominent figure in the Zhu school. His sons, Boyuan and Zhongcai, studied under Zhu. Professor Xu Zhongcai currently teaches at the Shanghai University of Traditional Chinese Medicine. There are still many living disciples of the Zhu school among famous physicians in Shanghai, such as Jiang Keming, Wang Shaoji, and Wang Jiufeng.
Contemporary with Zhu, who also vigorously criticized the Ye school, was Kong Qinglai (?–1816? - Note: Dates likely reversed or typo in source, usually late Qing/Republic era figures lived later, but sticking to text: 1816-?). Kong, whose courtesy name was Airu, was from Xiaoshan, Zhejiang. He passed the Xiucai examination in 1902, went to Japan to study at Keio University, obtained a Ph.D. in Chemistry, and returned to China. He was first employed by Commercial Press to edit *Chemistry*. He was a poet and a member of the Nanshe society. Due to poor health, he later devoted himself to medicine. Modern famous physician Chen Daolong was his student. In 1929, while teaching at the Zhejiang TCM Specialized School, he published medical essays such as *Zhongfeng Zhenleibian* (True Classification of Wind Stroke) and *Jindai Yipai Lun* (Discussion on Modern Medical Schools) in the *Alumni Annual*. He highly respected Xu Lingtai but severely criticized Wu Tang. In *Jindai Yipai Lun*, he said: "Xu possessed innate talent, lofty morality, intelligence, integrity, and outstanding character, talent, and learning, surpassing ages past. He inherited the orthodox tradition and inspired future generations, embodying the spirit of the nation. He is truly the number one person in centuries." He heavily disparaged the Ye school, saying: "The fool Wu Jutong was absurdly ridiculous, shameless, stealing others' saliva to write *Wenbing Tiaobian*. He gained fame locally, but his learning was inconsistent—sometimes clear, sometimes obscure, sometimes connected, sometimes disconnected. He was unworthy, and his theories were unworthy of record. During the end-times disaster, his book became popular. Ignorant people, finding it simple and easy to learn, blindly worshipped it, treating it as a secret imperial library text, claiming that the ultimate truths of Qibo and Huangdi were contained therein. Patients rushed to it, and foolish physicians became increasingly arrogant and haughty, viewing patients as nothing." Kong even said: "The disasters of war last only ten years, but the calamity of Jutong will last a hundred years and not cease." Thus, he cursed Jutong as a "scum of the medical gate" and believed the spread of his learning was a curse on the people. To denounce his theories, he specially wrote *Jutong Fahui* (Elucidation of Jutong). Additionally, he attacked Wang Mengying, saying: "At the same time, there was Wang Mengying, who wielded pen and ink, appearing plausible but actually incorrect. Compared to Jutong, he seemed slightly better, but it was merely the difference between fifty paces and a hundred steps." Dissatisfied with Mengying’s frequent references to Yin deficiency and cold/cool medications, he wrote *Mengying Wendi* (Questions and Answers on Mengying) to refute him, believing that his plausible-but-wrong arguments misled people deeply, though he was unaware of his own errors. Kong also believed that although Lu Jiuzhi’s criticism of the Ye-Wu schools stood out like a crane among chickens, the force was insufficient, and the effect was minimal. Due to the highbrow nature of the critique and few followers, he lamented, "Sighing that the remaining wind has vanished, pained that there is no successor." Hence, he wrote the aforementioned two books. However, since they were not printed and only circulated in manuscript form, their influence was limited. Additionally, Kong authored *Zhenyu Tongyan* (Painful Words from Diagnosis Rest), the content of which is unknown.
In the magazine *Yijie Chunqiu*, Senior Xiong Liaosheng, in a letter to Yu Wu Yan, stated based on his treatment experience that using Ye school herbal methods to treat damp-warmth yields poor results. Senior Xiong is also a veteran figure in the modern medical field.
The famous modern thinker Zhang Taiyan also held a critical attitude toward the Ye school theories. While lecturing at the Hangzhou TCM Specialized School, he criticized the Ye school, saying: "The stream of the modern Ye school, before even explaining the symptoms, first expands on Five Elements discourse, which is simply slick and slippery talk!" Actually, Ye’s case records were relatively plain. Although he mentioned the Five Elements frequently, he rarely indulged in elaborate discussions. Later practitioners of Ye’s school failed to grasp the essence, focusing merely on the literal meaning and embellishing with Five Elements talk, akin to the fable of the man from Handan who went to learn walking and forgot his original way. This was indeed a reason for Zhang’s criticism. However, Zhang held a critical attitude toward the Five Elements theory itself, hence his remarks. Actually, Zhang’s complete denial of the Five Elements was incorrect. But Zhang’s discussion on damp-warmth offered a novel criticism of Ye and Wu, pointing out the discrepancy between name and reality ("hanging a cow's head but selling horse meat"). He spoke what predecessors had not, with profound language. He pointed out: "The term damp-warmth first appeared in *Nanjing* (Classic of Difficult Issues), but its symptoms were not recorded. It was supplemented in *Maicheng* (Pulse Classic). Subsequently, *Huo Ren Shu* and *Benshi Fang* used it as a basis. However, later generations forcibly applied the name 'damp-warmth' to diseases with completely different pulse and symptom presentations. Ye Gui initiated this, and Wu Tang followed. Public opinion became uniform and unbreakable. While treatments for diseases may differ between ancient and modern times, if disease names are determined by symptoms, one cannot violate antiquity and arbitrarily change them. The damp-warmth defined by Ye and Wu can be called 'hanging a cow's head but selling horse meat.'" This argument provided great inspiration for later criticisms of the Ye school. In the criticism of Ye school theories, such novel arguments were rare after Lu Jiuzhi and Yun Tieqiao. Because Zhu Weiju, Zhang Taiyan, and others refuted the Ye school without adhering to the old arguments discussed by Lu and Yun, I call this the period of novel refutation of the Ye school.
IV. The Period of Foundational Consolidation of Criticism of the Ye School
Lu Jiuzhi’s criticism of the Ye school was relatively intense in wording. Yun Tieqiao’s major debate with the Abolitionist Faction involved mutual insults, with the Cold-Warm controversy mixed in, stirring up a trend of mutual attacks. Even in the period of refuting the Ye school, bad habits persisted. However, subsequently, exclusion and attacks gradually shifted towards emphasizing reasoning, and the atmosphere of academic debate became somewhat more normal.
For example, Shi Yiren’s (1896–1966) discussion on Cold and Warm, although criticizing Wu Jutong and others, used balanced wording, focused on reasoning, and adopted a dialectical approach. There was no atmosphere of venting anger through defamation between the lines. Discussing academics in this manner is worthy of our emulation.