时氏治学，以善于博采众长称，他认为：对古代开始怀疑，而后深入钻研，获得收获，“学术界的生机在此。如果专一崇古信古，以为古人天生上智，企不可及，毕身钻研，祗做到食古不化而已，有什么进步可说？”这是很正确的。时氏著作，有《中国时令病学》、《时氏处方学》等。他在《中医伤寒与温病》一书中，对叶派有微词，他认为：“《温热论》经章虚谷、王孟英捧场，俨然认为谈温病者特出的宗派，”其实此书的缺点也不能忽略。时氏对首先犯肺说，也持异议，并认为吴塘说九种温病都始于上焦，在手太阴，是固执叶氏的错误理论，所以有与实际脱节的舛误。认为叶氏“伤寒多有变证，温病在一经不移”云云，亦是千里之失。对《温病条辨》，他说长处有三，缺点居六，如“(一)他将温病发展到温疫方面，将经中所载‘厉大至，民善暴死’等等尽皆列入。即吴又可所说戾气。亦都尽量包括。(二)关于外感伏气等，亦都具备，并无成见。(三)认识到四季气候变迁，能影响人体健康，把环境气候变动，和体质有连带的关系，亦都分别说明。”这是他的长处，至于缺点则：“(一)伤寒温病，性质相同，经过亦大致相同，硬要分别为病在三焦，未免牵强。余认为三焦之说，仅可认为病证经过之次序，如第一期，第二期之类。吴氏疑为凡病温者，在手太阴，祗说到外感初起，有呼吸器病的一部分，如外感初起，并无呼吸器的症状，一概认为在手太阴，未免无的放矢。(二)用桂枝汤治温病初起，亦觉不妥。可能说是用桂枝汤，必然引起高热，后用白虎汤来退热，即使幸而获效，已成焦头烂额，以后用三甲复脉专翕大生膏之类，酿戊严重危候，鞠通不能辞其责任。(三)误服桂枝汤后，是否须用白虎汤，须以症状为主，如不能分析病情，只以白虎汤来塞责，亦未能认为满意。(四)温病中包括风温、温热、温疫、冬温四种，立一法以统治，亦觉尚待研究。(五)温病初起，桑菊银翘力量太轻，白虎力量太重，太过不及，都不适宜。《伤寒论》中麻杏石甘汤，葛根黄连黄芩汤，都可借用，吴氏计不及此，未免所见不广。(六)湿温初起，有表邪为多，藿香正气加减用之，颇少捷效。吴氏惟先用三仁汤，亦未能认为满意。”总之，时氏认为《温病条辨》是缺点多，优点少。他认为吴氏继承了叶氏的遗产，便狂妄地欲与仲景对立，这是不对的。但此书不是专为批评叶派学说面撰写，以上所论，不过书中所偶及，故尚不足为此朗之代表作。
可推为此期之代表作的，余谓当推《温病论衡》，此书措词虽并不激烈，但说理精湛，批评叶派很显力量，确具有“绝叶吴之根株，捣叶吴之巢穴，斫叶吴之根本”的作用。因为谢诵穆通过严密论证，抓住了批评叶派学说最为关键的一点，这就是“温邪上受，首先犯肺之温病，考其症状，在叶天士之前，并不称为温病。”而叶派以漠不相关之前贤学说为甲盾，以内难仆景为护符，将前人的温病，与自己杜撰的温病，扰在一起，弄得如油入面，不可复别，反而使本来已比较复杂的温病学说，变的更加复杂了。因为伤风、肺胀等呼吸器病，本来并不称温病，叶氏混称之后，就从此凭空阑入到温病范畴。谢氏认为：为了有利温病学说之整理，“不应当承认其为温病，当屏之温病范围之外。”
谢氏认为叶派学说理论上错误很多，治疗上措施不力，时医盲从，必须衡正。又鉴于陆九芝的抨击叶派，属于支支节节的铲除，一句一章之芟削，故仅成对抗之势，而并未扼叶吴之要吭。他为了彻底荡平叶吴之壁垒，认为必须抓住根本问题，来“推翻叶吴之温病”，所以有《温病论衡》一书之撰作。他还说：医者用不着为此而杞忧，因为“推翻叶氏之温病，仅为推翻温病学说过程中之一部分，决非推翻温病学说之全体。”而“芟此赘疣，则温病学说之整理，或将厘然有序。”这样批评叶派，因为抓住关键不放，显得很有力量，又因《温病论衡》分析入理，确是动摇了叶派学说之根本。此外，《温病论衡》中关于温病当定肺胃二系，伏气之说为无稽等论说，虽多系秉前人之说而发挥之，但说理之精详，表述之清楚，可谓是青出于蓝而胜于蓝了。至此，对叶派学说之批评，可谓已经谢氏而祗定。
陆九芝及其《世补斋医书》
陆氏名懋修(1815-1887)，字九芝，元和人(今江苏吴县)。为清代著名医家。初业儒，湛深经术，以文学著名。祖上世代知医。中年后，不乐仕进，承家学之渊源，窥灵素之堂奥，致力歧黄，博览群书，精内经、伤寒之学。治病主宗仲景方，常奏良效。所著《世补斋医书》，探幽抉微，刊误订谬，发挥运气学说，阐释内经奥旨，批评叶吴诸家，推崇仲景伤寒，说理精深，文笔犀利，对后世影响至巨。在中国医学史上，作出了一定的贡献。但由于他开抨击叶吴学说之风，深为叶派中人所不满，备受诟议，致被人误认为是一个因循守旧，影响中医学发展的复古保守派。笔者认为，这种评价，有失公允，现本着争鸣目的，对其人其著，略作述评如下：
一、擅治温热，善用经方这是可证陆氏临床经验十分丰富的一个方面。对陆氏的活人之术，潘蔚曾十分佩服地说：病人遇到他，轻病，不知怎么一下就没有了；重病，不知怎么一下就救活了。当时人评价陆氏之医术如斯。从一些有关医案来看，陆氏治温热病，经验确实相当丰富。如同治辛未，青浦吴海霞明经，患温热病，呃逆频危，飞棹延治，至则医已连进丁香等药，且议投肉桂矣。九芝谓此证必见五臭全，方可活，谓臭汗、臭痰、臭尿、臭屎及放空亦臭也。乃予以芩连丹栀，少佐玄明粉，而未及三日，五臭已全，其病若失。从这一治案来看，陆氏若非历险有得，遏克臻此。如果说，矜已德，夸治效，为医之通病，陆氏之言，不足深信。那么，我们从别人谈到的几则治验来看，仍然认为，陆氏治疗温热病，医术相当高明，这方面的经验，值得我们发掘。现举数案以证之：
1·咸丰已未，泾阳张文毅公督兵皖江，军事旁午，以湿热遘疾，群医震惊不能疗，九芝故出公门下，飞骑千里，招致军中，进数剂，立瘥，文毅德之。准斯以观，即置治效不论，单凭群医震惊不能疗而飞骑千里邀陆氏这一点，就可想见陆氏当时之声望。如无丰富的临床经验，要达到这样声望，是难以想象的；
2·光绪丙戍春，其侄崇保病温，群医束手，陆氏诊之，主予大承气，众虑保年已七十，栀芩苦寒，朴黄峻下，谓不便用，陆氏力排众议，毅然下之，一药而霍然。从此论之，陆氏若无丰富的临床经验，见定不惑，就不可能有这样的胆识。
3·壬午夏，受业濮贤慈之父病热，喜立日中，且恶凉饮，脉则皆伏。群医咸谓为三阴证。慈叩问于陆氏。陆氏曰，此温热之大证，阳极似阴者也，误用辛热必殆。乃迭进芩连膏黄辈十余剂，而热象大显。石膏用至数斤，病乃渐退。就此案而论，陆氏经慈一问即知是温热大证，迭进苦寒，石膏用至数斤，这就是因为陆氏对温热病的治疗，学验二丰，已有定识于平时，乃克有定力于片刻。
4，太康刘中丞，于辛酋令上海时，得结胸证，以时方玄参麦地，频于危，九芝视之，贡以枳朴辈，数服即解。此案亦说明：陆九芝以经方拯危救急，手段老到，确是活人有术。
上述类案，说明陆氏擅治温热，善用经方，是无可置疑的。亦正是为此，我们应克服门户之见，认真继承发掘其学术思想和温热病的治疗经验，以求古为今用，达到繁荣学术，提高疗效之目的。
陆氏之世，时医不重视继承发掘前人治病之经验，动曰“时有古今之异，古方不治今病，”“一遇温热病，无不力辟伤寒方，”然按轻清、滋阴诸法治疗，又常防其东而东，防其西而西，陆氏深不满于此，故大力宣扬，伤寒论并没有过时，伤寒方也并不难用，他作《伤寒有五论》、《伤寒方论》等文，并抨击叶派药法之弊病，就是为此。陆氏尝云：如仲景方而不可用，则病人岂容我以尝试者，何以用之一人而效，用之人人而无不效，且何以彼之不用仲景方者，曾不闻一效也，吾既用之而效矣，用之而屡效矣，则吾岂能舍吾效者不用，而用彼之不效者耶，夫病者何所求，不过求其效耳，然不用仲景方而效不至，则人何乐乎不用仲景方哉。可见，陆氏之所以以表彰仲景学说为己任，除了当时盲目蔑古，轻忽继承的风气，主要还是因为他用经方治病，不但每用每效，而且屡以经方起温热大病，活重危险证，陆氏深研经典，用仲景方治病，尝到了甜头，故于此笃信而不疑。若不顾及此，仅为学术观点之不同，便鄙薄其治温病之经验，是不够妥当的。
陆氏还认为，治病不能墨守成规，应当从提高实效出发，勤加探索。他在自序中说：一病有一病当用之药，即有一病不当用之药，用不当用之药而无益于病，明明有当用药在，不知更弦，因循旧习，仍用此药以治他人，一若舍此别无可用之药，此固何为者耶。这些有慨举世盲从轻淡，墨守成规，不问治效之医风而发的议论，反映了他治病注重从实效出发，勤加探索的主张。而尤为可贵的是，陆氏不以能用经方拯危救急治大病自满，认为“医以能治大病为上医，正以不使病大为能”，“医之为道，莫要于不使病大”。故他手定文集十六卷之后，又釆撷诸家经验，著《不谢方》一卷。陆氏知道世人好以焦头烂额为上客，而曲突徙薪者，必无恩泽，但他“只问其病之愈不愈，遑计人之知不知”，这种观点及《不谢方》的撰著，不但说明他遵古不泥，并不象后人说的那样：拘守经方，以后世方药，皆无足取。而且还从一定程度上反映出了陆氏高尚的医德。由此可见，陆氏只是反对蔑古，而并不曾食古不化。故近代名医张山雷对其甚为服膺，谓“陆氏擅长温热，学识与梦隐相等，而文词倜傥，笔锋锐利，尚非梦隐所能及。其最有功于病家，而揭破近世陋习者，断以《不谢方》一卷及《世补斋》十六卷，尤为救时之良药。”这一评价，是较为中肯的。
二、抨击叶吴，表彰仲景这是《世补斋医书》中一个令人瞩目的内容。陆氏治学，学而能思，富有批判精神。文集卷九至十一，专门评论诸家之得失，对叶吴学派及黄坤载，抨击尤甚，其批评，有持论恰当的，也有失之偏激的，从总体上看，是瑕不掩瑜。陆氏著中的驳评文字，说理精深，在学术上很有参考价值，但后之学者，有时出于门户之见，竟攻其一而不计其余，抓住他有失偏颇之处，强加以复古派、卫道土等大帽子，若以此来一笔抹杀他对诸家的中肯批评，实无益于继承发掘前哲学说之精华，来推动学术之发展。有鉴其对叶派之批评，影响最大，争论亦多，故拟对此略述己见如次：
Shi's approach to scholarship was renowned for his ability to extensively absorb the strengths of various schools. He believed: "One should first harbor doubts about ancient theories, then delve deeply into research to gain insights; this is where the vitality of academia lies." If one blindly worships and believes in antiquity, assuming that ancients were born with superior wisdom that is unattainable by ordinary people, and spends a lifetime studying without progress, one merely achieves 'indigestion of ancient texts'—what progress can be spoken of?" This view is highly correct. Shi's works include *Chinese Seasonal Pathology* and *Shi's Prescription Studies*. In his book *Traditional Chinese Medicine Shanghan and Wenbing*, he expressed reservations regarding the Ye School (Ye Tianshi's school). He stated: "*Wenre Lun* (Treatise on Warm Diseases), having been promoted by Zhang Xugu and Wang Mengying, has arrogantly positioned itself as a unique sect for discussing warm diseases." However, its shortcomings cannot be ignored. Shi also dissented from the theory that "warm pathogens first attack the Lung," arguing that Wu Tang (Wu Jutong)'s claim that all nine types of warm diseases originate in the Upper Jiao (Upper Burner) at the Hand Taiyin (Lung Meridian) was a stubborn adherence to Ye's erroneous theory, leading to discrepancies with clinical reality. He considered Ye's statement that "Shanghan often presents with transformed syndromes, whereas Wenbing remains confined to one meridian" to be a significant error. Regarding *Wenbing Tiaobian* (Systematic Differentiation of Warm Diseases), Shi identified three merits and six demerits. For example: "(1) He extended warm diseases to include warm epidemics, incorporating classical descriptions such as 'when pestilence arrives greatly, people die suddenly,' which aligns with Wu Keyou's concept of 'Li Qi' (Pestilential Qi). (2) It covers external contraction and latent qi, showing no preconceived biases. (3) It recognizes that seasonal climate changes affect human health, explaining the correlation between environmental/climatic shifts and constitution." These are its merits. The demerits are: "(1) Shanghan and Wenbing share similar natures and progression; forcibly distinguishing them by the Three Jiao (Three Burners) is forced. I believe the concept of Three Jiao should only be viewed as the sequence of disease progression, akin to stages. Wu's assertion that all warm diseases involve the Hand Taiyin only addresses the initial stage of external contraction involving respiratory symptoms. Applying this universally, even when no respiratory symptoms exist, is shooting without a target. (2) Using Guizhi Tang (Cinnamon Twig Decoction) for early-stage Wenbing is inappropriate. Its use likely induces high fever, requiring Baihu Tang (White Tiger Decoction) subsequently. Even if successful, it causes severe distress ('scorched head and smashed forehead'). Later treatments like Sanjia Fumai Zhuanxi Dasheng Gao may lead to critical conditions, for which Jutong bears responsibility. (3) Whether Baihu Tang is needed after mistakenly using Guizhi Tang depends on symptoms. Relying solely on Baihu Tang without analyzing the condition is unsatisfactory. (4) Grouping Fengwen, Wenre, Wenyi, and Dongwen under one method requires further study. (5) For early Wenbing, Sangju Yin and Yinqiao San are too mild, while Baihu Tang is too strong; both extremes are unsuitable. Formulas from *Shanghan Lun* such as Maxing Shigan Tang (Ephedra, Apricot Seed, Gypsum, and Licorice Decoction) or Gegen Huanglian Huangqin Tang (Kudzu, Coptis, and Scutellaria Decoction) could be borrowed, but Wu overlooked these, indicating limited insight. (6) For early Wet-Warmth, exterior pathogens are common; Huoxiang Zhengqi San variations offer quick results. Wu's preference for Sanren Tang is unsatisfactory." In summary, Shi believed *Wenbing Tiaobian* had more flaws than merits. He argued that Wu, inheriting Ye's legacy, arrogantly sought to oppose Zhang Zhongjing, which was incorrect. However, since this book was not written specifically to critique the Ye School, these comments are incidental and do not constitute Shi's representative work.
The representative work of this period, in my opinion, is *Wenbing Lunheng* (Critical Review of Warm Diseases). Although its tone is not fierce, its reasoning is exquisite, and its critique of the Ye School is powerful, effectively aiming to "cut off the roots, destroy the nest, and sever the foundation of the Ye-Wu lineage." Xie Songmu, through rigorous argumentation, seized the key point in critiquing the Ye School: "Warm pathogens enter from above and first attack the Lung; however, examining the symptoms, before Ye Tianshi, such conditions were not termed 'Wenbing.'" The Ye School used irrelevant ancient theories as shields and relied on *Neijing* (Inner Canon) and *Nanjing* (Classic of Difficult Issues) and Zhang Zhongjing's works as amulets, mixing previous concepts of warm diseases with their fabricated ones, making them indistinguishable like oil mixed in dough, thereby complicating an already complex theoretical system. Since conditions like wind-cold and lung distension were not originally classified as warm diseases, Ye's conflation arbitrarily expanded the category of warm diseases. Xie argued that to organize warm disease theory, "we should not recognize them as warm diseases but exclude them from the scope of warm diseases."
Xie believed the Ye School had many theoretical errors and ineffective treatments, which blind contemporary physicians followed, necessitating correction. Noting that Lu Jiuzhi's critique of the Ye School was piecemeal and superficial, creating only opposition without striking the vital throat of the Ye-Wu lineage, Xie aimed to thoroughly dismantle their barriers by addressing fundamental issues to "overthrow the Ye-Wu conception of warm diseases," thus writing *Wenbing Lunheng*. He stated that physicians need not worry excessively, as "overthrowing Ye's warm disease theory is only part of the process of overhauling warm disease theory, not abolishing the entire field." By "removing this赘疣 (赘疣/appendage)," the organization of warm disease theory might become orderly. This critique, by grasping the key points, was powerful. Furthermore, *Wenbing Lunheng*'s logical analysis indeed shook the foundation of the Ye School. Additionally, arguments in *Wenbing Lunheng* regarding defining warm diseases within the Lung and Stomach systems and dismissing the theory of latent qi as baseless, though expanding on predecessors' views, demonstrated refined reasoning and clear expression, surpassing their origins. Thus, the critique of the Ye School reached a definitive state with Xie.
Lu Jiuzhi and His *Shibu Zhai Yishu*
Lu, named Maoxiu (1815-1887), courtesy name Jiuzhi, was from Yuanhe (now Wu County, Jiangsu). A famous physician of the Qing Dynasty, he initially studied Confucianism, mastering classics and literature. His ancestors were medical practitioners. After middle age, rejecting official career, he inherited family learning, explored the depths of *Lingshu* and *Suwen*, dedicated himself to medicine, read widely, and specialized in *Neijing* and *Shanghan Lun*. His treatment primarily followed Zhang Zhongjing's formulas, often achieving good results. His work *Shibu Zhai Yishu* explores profound mysteries, corrects errors, elaborates on Six Qi theory, explains *Neijing* principles, critiques Ye and Wu, and promotes Zhang Zhongjing's *Shanghan*, featuring deep reasoning and sharp writing, significantly influencing later generations. Despite contributing to Chinese medical history, his pioneering critique of Ye and Wu displeased the Ye School, leading to accusations of being a conservative retrograde hindering medical development. I believe this evaluation is unfair. Aiming for academic debate, I briefly review him and his works below:
I. Expertise in Treating Warm-Thermal Diseases and Proficiency in Classical Formulas
This aspect proves Lu's rich clinical experience. Pan Wei admired Lu's life-saving skills, stating: "For mild illnesses, patients disappear instantly upon seeing him; for severe illnesses, they are revived immediately." Contemporary evaluations praised his medical skill similarly. Case records show Lu's extensive experience in treating warm-thermal diseases. For instance, in the Xinwei year of Tongzhi, Wu Haixia of Qingpu suffered from a warm-thermal disease with frequent hiccups nearing death. Lu was summoned urgently. Previous doctors had administered Dingxiang (Clove) and others, planning to add Rougui (Cinnamon Bark). Lu stated that survival depended on observing five distinct odors (foul sweat, sputum, urine, feces, and flatulence). He prescribed Qinlian Danzhi (Scutellaria, Coptis, Moutan, Gardenia) with minor amounts of Xuanmingfen (Mirabilite). Within three days, the odors appeared, and the illness vanished. This case suggests Lu's expertise came from overcoming dangers. While boasting efficacy is a common medical flaw, other cases confirm Lu's high proficiency in treating warm-thermal diseases, warranting exploration. Examples include:
1. In the Jiwu year of Xianfeng, Zhang Wenyi supervised troops in Anhui. Suffering from damp-heat illness, doctors were baffled. Lu was summoned from afar. After a few doses, he recovered quickly, grateful to Lu. This demonstrates Lu's reputation; achieving such status required immense clinical experience.
2. In spring of Bingxu year of Guangxu, Lu's nephew Chongbao contracted warm disease. Doctors were helpless. Lu prescribed Dachengqi Tang (Major Order the Qi Decoction). Concerned about the patient's age (70) and the harsh cold/bitter nature of Zhizi/Huangqin and drastic purgative effects of Houpo/Dahuang, others objected. Lu insisted, administering it once, resulting in immediate recovery. This shows Lu's confidence derived from rich experience.
3. In summer of Renwu year, father of student Pu Xianci suffered from heat, preferring standing in sunlight and rejecting cool drinks, with hidden pulses. Doctors diagnosed it as a Three Yin syndrome. Lu identified it as a major warm-thermal syndrome, "Extreme Yang resembling Yin," warning that辛热 (acrid-warm) herbs would be fatal. He repeatedly administered Qinlian Gaohuang (Scutellaria, Coptis, Gypsum) for over ten doses, revealing heat signs. He used gypsum up to several jin, and the illness receded. This indicates Lu's firm knowledge and decisiveness based on extensive study and experience.
4. Liu Zhongcheng of Taikang, while serving in Shanghai during the Xinyou year, developed Jie Xiong syndrome. Frequent use of Shifang (contemporary formulas) containing Xuanshen and Maidong nearly caused death. Lu treated it with Zhipo (Atractylodes and Magnolia), resolving it in a few doses. This illustrates Lu's proficiency in using classical formulas to save critical cases.
These cases prove Lu's expertise in warm-thermal diseases and classical formulas. We should overcome sectarian prejudices, inherit his academic thoughts and treatment experiences, apply ancient wisdom to modern times, and promote academic prosperity and efficacy.
During Lu's time, physicians neglected inheriting past experiences, claiming "times change, ancient formulas don't treat modern diseases," and "whenever encountering warm-thermal diseases, they vehemently reject Shanghan formulas." Yet, treatments using light-clearing or yin-nourishing methods were often inconsistent. Lu strongly opposed this, advocating that *Shanghan Lun* was not outdated and its formulas were usable. He wrote *Shanghan Youwu Lun* and *Shanghan Fang Lun*, criticizing the Ye School's medication flaws. Lu argued: "If Zhang Zhongjing's formulas were unusable, how could patients allow experimentation? Why does one person benefit, and everyone benefits? Conversely, why do those avoiding Zhongjing's formulas never achieve efficacy? Having experienced repeated success with Zhongjing's formulas, how can I abandon effective ones for ineffective ones? Patients seek efficacy. Without Zhongjing's formulas, efficacy is not achieved; why would anyone avoid them?" Thus, Lu's commitment to promoting Zhongjing's theory stemmed not just from opposing the blind dismissal of antiquity, but primarily from his personal success using classical formulas for severe warm-thermal and critical conditions. Deeply studying classics and experiencing the benefits of Zhongjing's formulas made him steadfast. Dismissing his warm-disease experience solely due to academic differences is inappropriate.
Lu also believed treatment should not be rigid but focused on practical efficacy and continuous exploration. In his preface, he stated: "Each disease has appropriate and inappropriate medicines. Using inappropriate medicines harms the patient. Knowing there are appropriate medicines but failing to change course, persisting in old habits, implies believing no other options exist—why do this?" These remarks criticized the blind conformity and rigidity of contemporary physicians, reflecting his emphasis on practical results and exploration. Valuably, Lu did not rest on his ability to save critical cases with classical formulas. He believed "the best physician treats major diseases, precisely by preventing them from becoming major," and "the essence of medicine is preventing disease progression." After compiling sixteen volumes of essays, he collected experiences from various schools to write *Buxie Fang* (Non-Thankfulness Formula). Knowing society values treating advanced crises ("scorched heads") over prevention ("curving chimneys"), he "only cared whether the disease was cured, disregarding whether people knew." This view and *Buxie Fang* demonstrate he respected tradition without being bound by it, contrary to claims that he rigidly stuck to classical formulas and dismissed later ones. It also reflected his noble medical ethics. Thus, Lu opposed dismissing antiquity but did not indigest ancient texts. Modern famous physician Zhang Shanlei admired him, stating: "Lu excelled in warm-thermal diseases, his knowledge equaled Mengying, but his literary elegance and sharp pen surpassed Mengying. His greatest merit to patients and exposure of modern bad habits lie in *Buxie Fang* and *Shibu Zhai*, which are excellent remedies for the times." This evaluation is fair.
II. Critiquing Ye and Wu, Promoting Zhongjing
This is a prominent content in *Shibu Zhai Yishu*. Lu's scholarship involved critical thinking. Volumes 9-11 of his collection specifically critique various schools, heavily attacking the Ye-Wu school and Huang Kunzai. His critiques ranged from appropriate to extreme, but overall, merits outweighed flaws. His rebuttals offered deep reasoning and academic reference value. However, later scholars, sometimes driven by sectarian bias, attacked his deviations while ignoring his contributions, labeling him a retrograde or defender of orthodoxy. Erasing his moderate critiques in this manner hinders inheriting past essences and advancing academia. Given the impact and controversy of his critique of the Ye School, I will briefly present my views here: