陆氏之世，叶吴之学风行，用药轻淡，肺胃不分，滋阴泛用，撤热不力之陋习，已无形中蔚为风气，时弊叠出，民受其害，这种情况，陆氏著中有所记载，如《脉有力无力说》中录有一案：“里门某姓一独子，年才冠，新婚，病伤寒中之温证，表热不追，里热已成，阳明之脉浮大而促，葛根芩连证也，热再盛则白虎证也，医执病在上焦，不犯中下之见，用卒凉轻剂，药不及病，越日更医，方且防其劫津，用滋润之玄参麦地，谓是养阴退阳，或又防其昏厥，用疡科之脑麝珠黄，谓是清官增液，药不中病，病不待也，未已大医来诊其脉，出语人曰，迟矣迟矣，脉无力，而重按全无，明日即防脱矣，尚作何等病观耶，病家习闻夹阴之说，病适留恋增重，适如所言，意本以虚为疑，乃大叹服。参芪并进，手写熟地炭生地炭，口中则议投姜附，临行诵盲左之言曰，虽鞭之长，不及马腹，而明日果然。”陆氏目击这种时弊，因奋笔著《续苏谈防其说》等文，对此痛加驳斥。按陆氏经验，伤寒温病，凡其热已潮，而又大烦大渴，昏沉谵妄，目中不了了，睛不和，或循衣摸床，撮空理线，或扬手掷足，恶闻人声，或口噤（齿介）齿，背反张，卧不着席，此时如不急用大承气下其燥屎，则阳实劫阴，滓枯液洇，热极生风，危在旦夕。但由于当时医风，习用轻清，常杜撰阴虚恋邪之名，泛用清官开窍，养阴退阳之法，“置承气三方于不问，始则以豆豉豆卷之不足以发表者，耽搁三日。继以生地、石斛、麦冬、元参之滋腻留邪者，又三日。而后犀角，珠黄、至宝、紫雪之类，将未入心包之邪，一举而送入心包，迨心包洞开，燥屎仍在，阴之将竭，事不可为，终之以一服去五味之生脉散，或一服去姜桂之复脉汤。”章巨膺说陆氏这样“描写时医黔驴之技，皆系实录。”因章氏亦亲身经历了此种时弊，故与陆氏，虽不同时，但具同感，叶派药法末流之弊之久，于斯已见一斑。陆氏认为：这种时弊出产生，是仲景之学不明于世所造成，故他一生以表彰仲景学说为己任，认为必须澄清当时歪曲仲景学说，说仲景偏于辛温，《伤寒论》只论狭义伤寒，古方不适治今病，学伤寒是学屠龙之技等种种蔑古诬圣的错误观点，认真发掘仲景治热病之经验，来匡正时弊，古为今用，以求变革医风，提高疗效，有所发展。陆氏之所以崇张(仲景)排叶(香岩)，正是出于不满当时之现状，如不顾这一明显的事实，将革新之要求，说成为复古之主张，这是值得商榷的。推崇仲景，并不等于踏倒后世之一切，如果陆氏真认为汉以后的治法方药无一可取，他就不会再著《不谢方》了。我们现在也常说：将“(仲景)尊为医圣是当之无愧的”①，因为张仲景，李时珍等医家，对中国医学贡献极大，后人出于崇敬，有时就称他们为医圣，这并不就意味着主张复古蔑今，若对此抓住不放，加以抨击，这在学术论争中，有挑剔之嫌而并不具有说服力。潘蔚说；“治病之法，泥古者非，蔑古者尤非。”内经伤寒之学，为中医之根本，知人必论世，当时有蔑古诬圣，忽视继承发扬之风气，又有人对仲景学说阳奉阴违，所以陆氏尊经崇古，表彰仲景，不违心随俗，敢抨击诸家，即偶有偏激之言，实亦不足以深责。从历史唯物主义观点来看，陆氏之排击叶吴，对掀起寒温之争，促使百家争鸣，起了很好的推动作用，在中国医史上，是具有积极意义的。谢诵穆说：“逊清医坛，为叶香岩所宰据者，垂百年之久，一代英杰，皆不能自拔，迨元和陆九芝先生出，始起一绝大之变化，先生以犀利之文词，抒独得之精义，读其书者，无不为之神移色动。”陆氏学说之影响后人者如此！陆氏对宰据当时医坛统治地位之叶派学说，敢于进行猛烈的抨击，这种精神，决非附和通论，弹唱老调，因循守旧，随俗沉浮，违言过失，不求进步者之比。孔蔼如说陆氏在当时医界中，有鹤立鸡群之气概。张山雷说陆氏独树一帜，颇能纠近世之恶习。恽铁樵说陆氏抨击叶吴，其心公而非私。如谓这都是伤寒派的褊袒之见，则近贤陈梦费老先生，彼专研医史，并不属于寒温之争中的任何一派，他亦谓九芝之痛诋香岩，盖因目睹叶氏学说轻描淡写，敷衍塞责之流弊，非仅以私人意气，攻讦先贤者。足见评论持平者，竟不属少许。又《中医大辞典·医史文献分册》，对医史人物，“随其贡献大小，而有杰出医学家，著名医学家，医学家及医生之分”而天士、九芝，并列为清代之著名医学家，这样评价，较之叶派中人，常过分的捧高叶氏，过分的贬诋陆氏，就公允的多了。
三、发挥运气，阐释内经这是陆氏之一大贡献，也值得一提。陆氏认为：“治病之法，不出内经，内经之治，不外六气，白天元正纪以下六篇，百病之治皆在其间，岂可因其所论皆运气，而忘其为治法之所从出者。”他“慨世之医绝不从事于斯，诡言素问古书，不治今病，而医学遂以大坏。”又有鉴马元素程德斋之徒，于运气之学，索隐行怪，流入异端，致六经病之生于气交者，无人能道，故在发挥王朴庄岁运循环说，作《六元大司天上篇》，《六元大司天下篇》，《大司天三元甲子考》之后，复著《内经运气病释》九卷，《内经运气表》一卷，着重阐释七篇大论，以求六经病所由来，六经之何由病，以及病之何由治，其目的是“既可以内经之言，明仲景之法，并可以知今人之病，无一不出于内经之言。”“并非古人别有古病。”这对纠正当时古方不治今病，古书不适今用的偏面认识，无疑有一定的作用。
对运气与疾病的关系，陆氏的见解是：气候六十年一循环。六十年间的气候变化，对疾病很有影响。他根据大司天三元甲子考，对历代名医进行细核，发觉寒凉派医家，如河间，丹溪等，都值火运。而温补派医家，如东垣、景岳等，咸值寒运。因此认为：凡寒，湿二气主运的中元甲子，病从寒化湿化居多，治即以温燥补益见长，凡火、风、燥交替主运的上、下元甲子，病从热化燥化居多，治即以寒泻清滋见长。后人疑前贤用药，主寒主温，有失偏颇，而不知皆非偏也。陆氏之世，所值之运为燥火，“所遇时邪，莫非温热，大都以凉散以寒泻愈之者多。”正由于理论上的研究与其亲身经历相一致，陆氏感到“病之各随司天以变者，弥益显然。”故于此深信不疑。但陆氏对此并不胶柱鼓瑟，他懂得六十年间的气候循环，也有未至而至，至而不至等种种异常变化，故他又说：“本不得常法是拘”，“况地形之南北有高下，人身之禀赋有强弱，且于抱恙之久新，尤有分别，凡所以随机应变者，本非一言可竟。”谜样子来看待运气学说，是十分辨证的。
以上所述，而且还是陆氏驳斥“仲景详于治寒略于治温”说的一个重要论据，因为按大司天三元甲子考，“仲景当建安中，乃中平甲子垂二十年，时亦属下元厥阴风火用事，当时习用乌附辛热，正值风火运中，为治多误，故仲景以桂枝麻黄之温，治中风伤寒之病，即以葛根芩连白虎承气柏皮栀豉之清治温热湿热之病，凡遇温热即用寒凉，其谓仲景但知秋冬，不识春夏者，不足与语仲景者也。”陆氏认为：芩连膏黄，皆以治温，非以治寒，伤寒论中方，只除去起首桂麻二物，大半皆治；温治热方，后人为论证已说，全不顾此，一若但见论中有桂枝麻黄，不见论中有膏黄芩连，这是十分不妥的。近人拾喻昌余唾，仍好为此说，殊不知早已见讥于陆氏。
陆氏的观点，章巨膺极为推崇，他对岁运循环复加推论，见“李东垣为张易水高弟，而反其师说，陆九芝为王朴庄外曾孙，而不同祖道”，“历代名贤论著，派别歧异，俱合符节。”故谓“此真可贵之学说，伟大之发明”。章氏认为：中医学派，败于清代，流于平淡轻清之支，治术退化，若陆氏之发明能提早三百年，就不致酿成大败缺。刘廷枚则认为：内经所言病，莫不可从七篇大论推知之，《内经运气病释》“所释虽止七篇，直不啻通一部内经而尽释之，厥功伟矣，若以为此七篇，本言运气，即谓此书专为运气发，是岂君志哉。”后人对陆氏发挥运气学说之评价，于斯可见一斑。
《世补斋医书》中阐释内经之作，尚有《内经遗篇病释》及《内经难宇音义》各一卷，亦俱以抉发奥旨，有裨世用为宗旨，陆氏在这方面的贡献，也是不可忽视的。
结语：陆氏深研内经伤寒，根底扎实，加之文学基础好，临证经验富，故其论医，才气纵横，极少作浮泛之谈，议论多深刻而有见，虽然，对诺家的有些批评及谓人参不补气阳等某些学术观点，不无可商，但究不同于老生之谈，尤其是文集十六卷，文笔畅茂，见解独到，叙述每简洁而有条理，在医学论说文中，允推上乘之作。惜其书现在社会上流传日少，叶派中人又常肆加贬诋，致后之来者，对其人其著，产生了不应有的误解，这很不利于发掘前哲学说之精华以推动学术之发展，故余有此文之撰作。
参考文献
①、郁文骏，坚持中医特色，提高中医水平，成都中医学院学报，(1)：9，1984
恽铁樵及其《温病明理》
恽铁樵(1878-1935)名树珏。早年毕业于南洋公学，善译西洋小说，有名文坛。后锐志攻医，文名反为医名所掩。曾问业于伤寒名家汪莲石，深通内经，伤寒之学，“为近代中医界精通旧学，独具只眼，又受过较系统的近代科学训练的第一人。”①“著有《群经见智录》，《伤寒论辑义按》，《脉学发微》、《温病明理》等书共二十二种。这些著作除了表达他韵志愿以外，还有不少创造发明，所以仅仅是二三十年的时间，恽氏医学蔚然成派，且产生了比较深远的学术影响。”其中《温病明理》一书，很能反映其对叶派学说的见解，爰作介评如次。
一、时代背景
任何著作，都有其一定的环境色彩。《温病明理》也不例外。恽氏之世，消灭中医的民族虚无主义思想泛滥成灾。1917年，余岩发表《灵素商兑》，向中医理论，发起了总攻，“废止中医派批判中医，首先集中于《内经》，其次集中于《伤寒论》。”③处当时这种形势下，在长达五年之久的时间里，中医界竟没有一人出来应战。相反，种种歪曲，怀疑《伤寒论》的说法，借羽翼仲景之名，到广泛传播了开来。有的说《伤寒论》只讲狭义伤寒。有的说伤寒绝少。有的说仲景伤寒，由外到里，要横看；叶氏温病，从上到下，要竖看。有的说《伤寒论》中温病是假温病；吴鞠通、王孟英等所说温病是真温病，这种种看似不同的论调，有一个共同的观点，这就是说，仲景学说已经过时了。这种观点，于当时废止派的攻击《伤寒论》，真所谓推波助澜。上述有些论点，虽早巳由陆九芝等进行过驳斥，但在当时仍广为流行，恽氏处这种历史条件下，既对废止派十分愤慨，亦对叶吴学派相当反感，因此，他首先应余岩之挑战，于1922年发表《群经见智录》，“站在近代高度科学地解释《内经》体系”，“捍卫了中医体系的完整性。”④嗣后，又著《伤寒论研究》，《温病明理》等论外感热病之专著，对歪曲仲景学说的错误论点，进行了批判。徐衡之在《温病明理·序》中说：“仲景之《伤寒论》，既为吴鞠通、王孟英辈之著作为紫色夺朱之僭窃，则《伤寒论》为人所怀疑，在若有若无之列，伤寒既无，伤寒以上之书，更非所能读，则亦等于无，而所有者，乃仅仅《温病条辨》、《叶案》、《温热经纬》，持此三书，欲与西医科学挈短较长，则此三书实无些微之价值，等于无有而已，故曰中医学荡然无有一物，不为过也。"徐氏说彼三书实无些微之价值，言词是偏激的，但从中我们可以看到；废止派与恽氏学派对这一点都十分清楚：内经、伤寒之学，是中医理论的根本。因此，废止派攻击中医学，是从这里下手。恽氏学派的维护中医学，也从这里下手。因为在当时，攻击《伤寒论》与歪曲，怀疑《伤寒论》的种种论调，汇成了一股逆流，恽铁樵为了延歧黄一脉，作振兴中医之望，乃在反击废止派之同时，横扫一切曲释仲景之学的注解，提出了下述主张；“欲得伤寒真理，非空绝依傍，屏去一切注释，专读白文不可。盖吾侪之思想，苟为注释所束缚，即不能有独到之心得。犹之仲景之治医，苟为当日时医所束缚，即不能横断众流，直入轩歧堂奥也。”并严词驳斥叶吴学派，此所以有《伤寒论研究》、《温病明理》等书之撰作。由此可见，《温病明理》对叶派措词之所以相当严厉，这是与当时历史条件有关的。这与后世有些医家，仅因观点不同，便意气用事，作文攻讦，不可同日语。因为当时的环境，据恽氏所云：“今之时医皆叶派，苟倏然立异，将群起而排之，使无立足之地而后已，犹之举国皆饮狂泉，转以不狂者为狂，结果，不狂者非尤而效之佯狂不可。”这说明那时的医界，党同伐异的学阀风气相当浓厚，恽氏既憎恶攻击、歪曲、怀疑《伤寒论》的种种论调，又痛恨当时医界的不良学风，所以使他在对叶派学说进行争鸣时，平不下心，静不下气，故措词便显得相当的严厉。
二、撰作动机
Lu's era was characterized by the prevalence of the academic style of Ye Tianshi and Wu Jutong. Physicians tended to use light and mild medications, failed to distinguish between lung and stomach pathologies, overused yin-nourishing drugs, and lacked efficacy in clearing heat. This malpractice had inadvertently become a trend, leading to repeated medical errors that harmed the people. Lu documented this situation in his works. For instance, in "Shuo Mai You Li Wu Li" (Discussion on Pulse Strength and Weakness), he recorded a case: "The only son of a family in Limen, just coming of age at twenty, newly married, contracted a warm disease pattern within typhoid fever. The exterior heat had not resolved, while interior heat had already formed. The Yangming pulse was floating, large, and hurried, indicating the Ge Gen Qin Lian Tang (Kudzu Root, Scutellaria, and Coptis Decoction) syndrome; if the heat intensified further, it would transition to the Bai Hu Tang (White Tiger Decoction) syndrome. The physician stubbornly believed the pathology was located in the upper jiao and dared not treat the middle and lower jiao, thus using an extremely light cooling agent, which was insufficient to treat the disease. After one day, a new physician was consulted. Fearing the previous medication had damaged body fluids, he used moistening herbs such as Xuan Shen (Scrophulariae Radix), Mai Dong (Ophiopogonis Radix), and Sheng Di Huang (Rehmanniae Radix), claiming this nourishes yin to subdue yang. Others, fearing syncope, used surgical preparations containing Niu Huang (Calculus Bovis), She Xiang (Moschus), Zhen Zhu (Margarita), and Bing Pian (Borneolum Syntheticum), claiming this clears the ministerial fire and increases fluids. The medication did not match the pathology, and the condition deteriorated rapidly. Later, a senior physician examined the pulse and remarked to others, 'It is too late, too late! The pulse is weak, and deep pressure reveals nothing. Tomorrow, collapse will occur. How can you still view this as any other disease?' The patient's family, accustomed to the concept of 'yin-clamping,' saw the condition linger and worsen exactly as predicted. Originally suspecting deficiency, they were greatly convinced. Consequently, Ren Shen (Ginseng Radix) and Huang Qi (Astragali Radix) were administered together, with hand-written prescriptions for Shu Di Huang Tan (Charred Rehmanniae Radix) and Sheng Di Huang Tan (Charred Fresh Rehmanniae Radix), while verbally discussing the addition of Gan Jiang (Zingiberis Rhizoma) and Fu Zi (Aconiti Lateralis Radix Praeparata). Upon leaving, he recited from the Zuo Zhuan: 'Although the whip is long, it cannot strike the horse's belly.' The next day, it proved true."
Witnessing these medical malpractices firsthand, Lu wrote articles such as "Xu Su Tan Fang Qi Shuo" (Continued Discussions on Preventing Errors) to vehemently refute them. According to Lu's experience, in cases of typhoid or warm diseases where heat surges like a tide, accompanied by extreme irritability and thirst, mental confusion and delirium, blurred vision, uncoordinated eye movements, grasping at empty air or bedclothes, flailing limbs, aversion to sound, lockjaw, opisthotonos (back arching so the body does not touch the bed), immediate administration of Da Cheng Qi Tang (Major Order the Qi Decoction) to purge dry feces is essential. Otherwise, excess yang will devour yin fluids, leading to fluid exhaustion, extreme heat generating wind, and imminent danger. However, due to the prevailing medical fashion favoring light and clear agents, physicians often fabricated the notion of "yin deficiency retaining pathogens," indiscriminately using Qing Gong Tang (Clear the Palace Decoction) for opening orifices and yin-nourishing methods to subdue yang. They ignored the three variations of Cheng Qi Tang. Initially, using Dou Chi (Sojae Semen Praeparatum) and Dou Juan (Vigna Angularis Sprout), which are insufficient for releasing the exterior, delayed treatment for three days. Then, using Shi Hu (Dendrobii Caulis), Mai Dong, Yuan Shen (Scrophulariae Radix), and Sheng Di Huang, which are cloying and retain pathogens, delayed it for another three days. Finally, using Xi Jiao (Rhinocerotis Cornu), Zhu Huang, Zhi Bao Dan (Treasure Treasure Pill), and Zi Xue (Purple Snow), they drove pathogens that had not yet entered the Pericardium directly into it. Once the Pericardium was breached and dry feces remained, with yin fluids nearly exhausted, the situation became hopeless, concluding with a single dose of Sheng Mai San (Generate the Pulse Powder) without Wu Wei Zi (Schisandrae Fructus) or Fu Mai Tang (Restore the Pulse Decoction) without Gan Jiang and Gui Zhi. Zhang Juying stated that Lu's description of contemporary physicians' limited skills was a "true record." Having experienced these malpractices himself, Zhang shared Lu's sentiments, revealing the detrimental legacy of the Ye school's pharmacological approach.
Lu believed these malpractices stemmed from the obscurity of Zhang Zhongjing's scholarship. Thus, he dedicated his life to promoting Zhang's theories, aiming to clarify distortions such as claims that Zhang favored acrid-warm methods, that the Shang Han Lun (Treatise on Cold Damage) only discusses narrow-sense cold damage, that ancient formulas are unsuitable for modern diseases, or that studying cold damage is akin to learning dragon-slaying techniques. He sought to excavate Zhang's experiences in treating febrile diseases to correct current trends, apply ancient wisdom to modern practice, reform medical ethics, and improve efficacy. Lu's preference for Zhang Zhongjing over Ye Tianshi arose from dissatisfaction with the status quo. To interpret his call for innovation as a desire for restoration is questionable. Promoting Zhang does not mean rejecting all post-Han treatments; otherwise, Lu would not have authored Bu Xie Fang (Non-Grateful Formula). We often say Zhang Zhongjing is rightfully revered as the Medical Sage due to his immense contributions, along with Li Shizhen. Revering them does not imply advocating restoration or despising the present. Criticizing Lu for this lacks persuasiveness in academic debate. Pan Wei said, "In treating diseases, adhering rigidly to antiquity is wrong, but despising antiquity is even worse." The Nei Jing (Inner Canon) and Shang Han studies are the foundation of Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM). Understanding a person requires understanding their times. Given the prevalent attitude of despising antiquity and neglecting inheritance, and the hypocrisy towards Zhang's teachings, Lu respected the classics and promoted Zhang without compromising his principles. Even if his words were occasionally extreme, they deserve little blame. From a historical materialist perspective, Lu's critique of Ye and Wu helped ignite the debate between Cold Damage and Warm Disease schools, fostering diversity, which has positive significance in medical history. Xie Songmu noted, "For nearly a century, the medical arena was dominated by Ye Xiangyan... until Mr. Lu Jiuzhi of Yuanhe emerged, causing a tremendous change... Readers were deeply moved." Lu's influence was profound. His bold attack on the dominant Ye school spirit was far from mere conformity or conservatism. Kong Airu described Lu as standing out like a crane among chickens. Zhang Shanlei said Lu established a unique school, correcting modern bad habits. Yun Tieqiao stated Lu's criticism was public-spirited, not personal. Chen Mengfei, a medical historian independent of the Cold/Warm factions, agreed Lu's critique was due to observing the superficiality and irresponsibility of Ye's school, not personal animosity. Fair commentators are numerous. The *Dictionary of Traditional Chinese Medicine* lists both Ye Tianshi and Lu Jiuzhi as famous Qing dynasty physicians, a fairer assessment than the Ye faction's tendency to over-praise Ye and belittle Lu.
Third, Expanding on the Six Qi Theory and Interpreting the *Nei Jing*:
This is Lu's major contribution. Lu believed, "Methods of treatment do not go beyond the *Nei Jing*; its treatments revolve around the Six Qi. From the *Tian Yuan Ji Da Lun* onwards, treatments for hundreds of diseases are covered. One cannot forget the source of treatment methods because they discuss luck (Yun Qi)." He lamented that physicians ignored this, claiming ancient texts don't treat modern diseases, leading to medical decline. He also criticized followers of Ma Yuansu and Cheng Dezhai for straying into heterodoxy regarding luck theory, leaving no one to explain six-channel diseases arising from qi interactions. Therefore, after expanding on Wang Puzhuang's cycle theory in works like *Liu Yuan Da Si Tian Shang Xia Pian* and *Da Si Tian San Yuan Jia Zi Kao*, he wrote *Nei Jing Yun Qi Bing Shi* (Explanation of Diseases in the Inner Canon Regarding Luck) and *Nei Jing Yun Qi Biao*. He focused on interpreting the Seven Major Treatises to understand the origin of six-channel diseases and their treatments, aiming to "clarify Zhang Zhongjing's methods using the *Nei Jing* and show that modern diseases all originate from the *Nei Jing*." This corrected the one-sided view that ancient formulas cannot treat modern diseases.
Regarding the relationship between luck and disease, Lu held that climate cycles every sixty years, significantly affecting disease. Analyzing historical figures via the *San Yuan Jia Zi Kao*, he found cold-cooling school physicians like Liu Wansu and Zhu Danxi lived during Fire Luck periods, while warm-tonifying school physicians like Li Dongyuan and Zhang Jingyue lived during Cold Luck periods. He concluded that during Middle Yuan cycles governed by Cold and Dampness, diseases tend to transform into Cold/Damp patterns, best treated with warm-drying and tonifying methods. During Upper/Lower Yuan cycles governed by Fire, Wind, and Dryness, diseases tend to transform into Heat/Dryness patterns, best treated with cold-purging and nourishing methods. Later generations suspected bias in ancients' drug choices, not realizing there was none. In Lu's time, the cycle was Dryness-Fire, so epidemic pathogens were mostly warm-heat, cured by cooling and purging. Consistent with his personal experience, Lu firmly believed diseases vary with the ruling Qi. However, he was dialectical, acknowledging anomalies like early or late arrivals of seasons, geographical differences, individual constitution, and disease duration, stating that flexibility is key.
This argument refutes the claim that "Zhongjing detailed cold treatment but neglected warm treatment." According to the *Jia Zi Kao*, Zhongjing lived during a period of Jue Yin Wind-Fire activity. Since warm-hot drugs were common then, treatments often erred. Thus, Zhongjing used Gui Zhi Tang and Ma Huang Tang (warm) for wind-strike and cold damage, and Ge Gen Qin Lian Tang, Bai Hu Tang, Cheng Qi Tang, etc. (cooling) for warm-heat and damp-heat. Claiming Zhongjing only knew autumn/winter is ignorant. Lu argued that Qin Lian and Shi Gao treat warmth, not cold. Most formulas in *Shang Han Lun* treat warmth/heat, excluding only Gui Zhi and Ma Huang. Moderns who cite Yu Chang's views ignore this, focusing only on Gui Zhi/Ma Huang while ignoring Shi Gao/Qin Lian.
Zhang Juying highly praised Lu's view, noting that while Li Dongyuan contradicted his teacher Zhang Yishui, and Lu Jiuzhi differed from his ancestor Wang Puzhuang, all ancient scholars' diverse views align with principles. Zhang called this a "valuable theory and great discovery," believing if Lu's insights had appeared 300 years earlier, the decline of TCM might have been avoided. Liu Tingmei considered *Nei Jing Yun Qi Bing Shi* as comprehensive as explaining the entire *Nei Jing*.
Other works in *Shi Bu Zhai Yi Shu* include *Nei Jing Yi Pian Bing Shi* and *Nei Jing Nan Zi Yin Yi*, aimed at elucidating profound meanings for practical use.
Conclusion: Lu had a solid foundation in *Nei Jing* and *Shang Han*, good literary skills, and rich clinical experience. His medical discussions were brilliant and profound, rarely superficial. Although some critiques and views (e.g., on Ren Shen) are debatable, they are not stale clichés. His sixteen-volume collection features fluent writing, unique insights, and concise logic, representing top-tier medical discourse. Regrettably, his works are less circulated today, and the Ye faction often disparages him, causing misunderstandings that hinder the extraction of valuable heritage. Hence, this article.
References
① Yu Wenjun, Adhering to TCM Characteristics, Improving TCM Level, Journal of Chengdu University of TCM, (1): 9, 1984.
Yun Tieqiao and his *Wen Bing Ming Li*
Yun Tieqiao (1878-1935), named Shujue, graduated from Nanyang Public School, was skilled in translating Western novels, and famous in literary circles. Later, he devoted himself to medicine, overshadowing his literary fame. He studied under Wang Lianshi, a master of Cold Damage, mastering the *Nei Jing* and *Shang Han*. He was "the first in modern TCM to be proficient in old learning with unique insight and receive systematic modern scientific training."① He authored 22 books, including *Qun Jing Jian Zhi Lu*, *Shang Han Lun Ji Yi An*, *Mai Xue Fa Wei*, and *Wen Bing Ming Li*. These works showed creativity, establishing the Yun school within decades. *Wen Bing Ming Li* reflects his views on the Ye school, analyzed below.
I. Historical Background
Any work reflects its environment. *Wen Bing Ming Li* is no exception. Yun's era saw rampant nihilism seeking to eliminate TCM. In 1917, Yu Yan published *Ling Su Shang Dui*, launching a total assault on TCM theory, focusing first on the *Nei Jing* and then the *Shang Han Lun*.③ For five years, no one responded. Distortions spread under the guise of supporting Zhongjing. Some claimed *Shang Han Lun* only covers narrow-sense cold damage; others said cold damage is rare; some argued Zhongjing's approach is horizontal (exterior to interior), while Ye's warm disease approach is vertical (top to bottom); some claimed *Shang Han Lun*'s warm diseases are fake, while those of Wu Jutong and Wang Mengying are real. All implied Zhongjing's theory was obsolete, fueling abolitionists' attacks. Although Lu Jiuzhi had refuted these points, they remained popular. Yun, angry at abolitionists and resentful of the Ye-Wu school, challenged Yu Yan in 1922 with *Qun Jing Jian Zhi Lu*, "scientifically explaining the *Nei Jing* system from a modern height" and "defending the integrity of the TCM system."④ He later wrote *Shang Han Lun Yan Jiu* and *Wen Bing Ming Li* to criticize distortions of Zhongjing's theory. Xu Hengzhi, in the preface to *Wen Bing Ming Li*, stated that since Wu Jutong and Wang Mengying usurped *Shang Han Lun*, it was doubted, rendering related texts unreadable. With only *Wen Bing Tiao Bian*, *Ye An*, and *Wen Re Jing Wei* remaining, trying to compare them with Western science shows their negligible value, leading abolitionists to claim TCM has nothing left. Xu's words were extreme, but they highlight a shared understanding between abolitionists and Yun: the *Nei Jing* and *Shang Han* are the root of TCM. Abolitionists attacked here; Yun defended here. Facing a逆流 (counter-current) of attacks, Yun sought to preserve the Qi-Huang lineage and revive TCM. While fighting abolitionists, he swept away distorted annotations of Zhongjing, proposing: "To find the truth of Shang Han, one must rely on nothing, discard all annotations, and read the original text alone. If our thoughts are bound by annotations, we cannot gain unique insights. Just as Zhongjing could not break through the constraints of contemporary physicians to enter the depths of Xuanyuan and Qibo." He sternly refuted the Ye-Wu school, leading to the creation of *Shang Han Lun Yan Jiu* and *Wen Bing Ming Li*. Thus, the harsh tone towards the Ye school was tied to historical conditions, unlike later disputes based merely on differing viewpoints. As Yun stated, "Contemporary physicians are all of the Ye school. If one suddenly stands apart, they will be expelled collectively... It is like the whole nation drinking from the Spring of Madness, viewing the sane as mad. The sane must either follow suit or pretend to be mad." This indicates a strong clique mentality. Yun hated the attacks on *Shang Han Lun* and the bad medical ethos, making him unable to remain calm when debating the Ye school, resulting in harsh language.
II. Motivation for Writing